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The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, otherwise known as the <a href="https://www.indiacode.nic.in/bitstream/123456789/2104/1/A2013-14.pdf">POSH Act</a>, was enacted in 2013. This has been India&rsquo;s first piece of legislation on sexual harassment at the workplace. The POSH Act defines sexual harassment and directs employers to work towards preventing and redressing sexual harassment at the workplace. Redressal of complaints of sexual harassment is through the establishment of committees, termed Internal Committees (ICs). The Act also constitutes Local Committees (LCs), which are district-level committees which may be approached by women in the unorganised sector or by women whose employers do not have an IC.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;

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The last few years have seen various private member bills introduced in the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, that seek to amend various parts of the POSH Act. These bills highlight important issues with the Act in its current form, however the changes are suggested could benefit from a deeper and more holistic engagement with the realities of and research on sexual harassment.&nbsp;&nbsp;

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The POSH Act permits only women to file complaints of sexual harassment. This gender-specificity of complainants was upheld by the Supreme Court in <a href="https://indiankanoon.org/doc/27507654/">Binu Tamta</a> &amp; Anr. vs. High Court of Delhi &amp; Ors in 2023. This means that men and transgender persons may not make complaints under the Act. Two of the proposed amendments (those introduced by Shri Lavu Sri Krishna Devarayulu and Shri Md. Nadimul Haque) addresses this point by extending the ability to make complaints from &lsquo;women&rsquo; to &lsquo;persons&rsquo;. The latter bill also requires that if the complainant is of a gender other than woman, the IC should include a representative of the same gender. This would allow men and transpersons to make complaints of sexual harassment within their workplaces. While this is a significant step - it is important for anyone facing sexual violence to have recourse in the law - it does not appear to have taken into consideration the complexities of the question of the gender neutrality of laws on sexual violence. <a href="https://www.epw.in/journal/2025/4/notes/gender-neutrality-sexual-harassment-laws-india.html">Researchers</a> have raised the concern of men filing cases of harassment against women who have made complaints against them. These issues need to be addressed in any gender-neutral law on sexual harassment.&nbsp;

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The bills introduced by Dr. Fauzia Khan and <a href="https://sansad.in/getFile/BillsTexts/RSBillTexts/Asintroduced/12_sexual%20harrasment_sasmit-E29202471145PM.pdf?source=legislation#:~:text=This%20Bill%20intends%20to%20remedy,SASMIT%20PATRA">Dr. Sasmit Patra</a> both seek to amend the time available to make complaints. The POSH Act allows for complaints to be made within three months of an incident, extendable to six months if the IC/LC finds a valid reason for the delay. The bill introduced by <a href="https://medicaldialogues.in/news/health/bill-for-protection-of-doctors-introduced-in-rajya-sabha-check-out-key-points-160433#:~:text=New%20Delhi:%20Amid%20the%20doctors,of%20healthcare%20workers%20in%20India.">Dr. Khan</a> states that the complaint should be made &ldquo;within a reasonable period of time with regard to the facts and circumstances surrounding the making of such a complaint.&rdquo; This replaces a specific time limit with a more imprecise formulation. It is unclear who is to determine what constitutes a reasonable period, and on what grounds that determination is to be made. The bill introduced by <a href="https://sansad.in/getFile/BillsTexts/RSBillTexts/Asintroduced/12_sexual%20harrasment_sasmit-E29202471145PM.pdf?source=legislation#:~:text=This%20Bill%20intends%20to%20remedy,making%20the%20complaint%20in%20writing:">Dr. Patra</a>, on the other hand, extends the period from three months to one year, on grounds that &ldquo;in cases involving sexual harassment, women may be so traumatised as to render filing of the complaint impossible until such time they have recouped their strength.&rdquo; This additional time is valuable. In many cases of harassment, women need time to both come to terms with the incident and decide to pursue a complaint. The latter decision is not made lightly, and additional time might reduce the pressure to file a complaint before one feels mentally prepared to do so.

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Dr. Khan&rsquo;s draft makes another interesting change, this time to section 14 of the Act, which pertains to false or malicious complaints. Under the Act, if false complaints are found to have been filed or false evidence provided, the IC/LC may recommend to the concerned institution that action be taken against the complainant. The draft replaces the word &lsquo;recommend&rsquo; with the word &lsquo;direct.&rsquo; This language suggests that the decisions of the IC/LC would be binding on the institution. This is an interesting change to make, especially since the recommendations of the committee in the cases where complaints are upheld, are not binding on institutions; the amendment too does not make such recommendations binding. This raises a question &ndash; if the decisions of the committee are to be binding upon institutions in the event of malicious complaints, surely they should be binding also in all complaints that are upheld. Introducing this balance would reinforce the idea that sexual harassment is taken seriously by committees and institutions alike.

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One concern is that the amendments to the POSH Act are being introduced in a situation where there is <a href="https://ceda.ashoka.edu.in/a-decade-of-the-posh-act-what-the-data-tells-us-about-how-india-inc-has-fared/#toc-6">limited</a> <a href="https://www.epw.in/journal/2020/20/review-womens-studies/examining-local-committees-under-sexual-harassment.html">data </a>on the implementation of the Act. Research has pointed out the lack of data around the numbers of and nature of complaints made, their resolution, whether the committees&rsquo; recommendations were acted upon by employers, and so on. There is also limited data on sexual harassment itself, for example on same-sex harassment, or on cases of sexual harassment that where complaints are not filed. Perhaps the concerned authorities could also consider broadening the scope of the details that companies must report (for example, the numbers of cases resolved through inquiries and through conciliation), and on making more data available in the public domain (for example, it is currently difficult to find the annual reports of Local Committees). This would allow for better research on the issue, and more effective implementation of the Act.&nbsp;

Reflections on Proposed Amendments to the POSH Act

With only 2 Olympic golds since 2000, India should first invest and diversify in its own sports rather than rushed bids of global events for the sake of political clout.&nbsp;

The appeal of the five rings over Ahmedabad&rsquo;s skyline can be intoxicating. With the tag of the&nbsp; &ldquo;fastest growing economy of the world&rdquo; already in its bag, India&rsquo;s soft power shall naturally grow by hosting the Olympics. However, the only thing that stubbornly refuses to grow at a quick pace is India&rsquo;s sports budget, with a mere 4479.88 crores allotted in FY 2026-27. In contrast, the nation does not mind spending more than 41,000 crores for a mere seventeen-day event. This concerning&nbsp; trend of prioritizing the glamour of global attention over the grit required for building a real world-class sporting ecosystem hurts India&rsquo;s athletes the most.&nbsp;

Since the turn of the millennium, India&rsquo;s Olympic ledger has only seen two individual gold medals added to the tally &ndash; Abhinav Bindra (2008) and Neeraj Chopra (2021). For a nation of 1.4 billion people, it is not a statistical anomaly but a systematic failure. Reports from 2021 have shown that 87% sports sponsorships in India remain locked within the boundaries of a cricket pitch. Other sports which could fetch us medals remain poorly funded. See, for instance, the state of hockey today. A sport responsible for the nation&rsquo;s 8 out of 10 gold medals, since the Olympics&rsquo; inception,&nbsp; struggles to find support and sponsors. It is the state government of Odisha which had to step in and keep hockey afloat to keep India&rsquo;s legacy intact. Yet, Odisha is not going to receive any fruits of appreciation due to the regional biases of the leadership in Delhi.&nbsp;

To please the former Gujarat Chief Minister and now Prime Minister, the Indian Olympic&nbsp; Association (IOA) has submitted a hasty and disappointing bid for hosting the 2036 Olympics.&nbsp; The only good call made in the IOA&rsquo;s letter of intent was to not choose the Indian capital, New&nbsp; Delhi. The toxic atmosphere of Delhi&rsquo;s venues has already driven global athletes to opt for $5,000 fines rather than participate in once-prestigious tournaments like the India Open. The&nbsp; proposal limits potential venues majorly to cities concentrated in the BJP-ruled states of Gujarat&nbsp; and Maharashtra. Definitely, there must be something special in the air around there.&nbsp;

Furthermore, such a proposal risks repeating former corruption scandals similar to the 2010 experience with Delhi&rsquo;s Commonwealth Games. Flashy stadiums would be built but Indian&nbsp; athletes would not be allowed to train there. Budgets would be overshot and money would fill the coffers of contractors. The harsh reality is that only 10.4% of the nation&rsquo;s sports facilities across 334 districts meet international standards of Olympics. If the venues are limited to only certain&nbsp; regions, then aspiring youth across the other states of the nation shall suffer.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Albeit poor, an attempt was made in December 2025 for making a National Sports Policy. Now,&nbsp; India must ensure that it is an indiscriminatory one. The government&rsquo;s flagship Target Olympic &nbsp;Podium Scheme (TOPS) provides elite facilities to those who already succeeded, while fresh talent of the grassroots remains underfunded. A new policy should be devoid of any political biases to be&nbsp; able to gain yields from its rich demographic dividend. The Indian public must learn how to celebrate and value a gold in a 100 m sprint as much as a century at Lord&rsquo;s.&nbsp;

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The political leadership must reward states encouraging sports, like Odisha, Manipur and Haryana, through tourism benefits. This can be simply achieved by opting them as host venues for future international sports events. Spending crores of rupees on stadiums concentrated in the Prime Minister&rsquo;s favorite states are a waste of the taxpayer&rsquo;s money.&nbsp;

Additionally, even before hosting such events, a genuine effort needs to be made to exponentially&nbsp; increase and meaningfully utilise the sports budget. The same capital could fund thousands of&nbsp; sports centers across all the 28 Indian states, providing nutritional support and international&nbsp; exposure to lakhs of &ldquo;Neeraj Chopras&rdquo; in waiting. The desire to host an Olympics is not wrong, it is just premature. India must learn to win by building athletes, not arenas.

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2036 Olympics: India Needs Athletes Over Arenas

&nbsp;India and South Korea&rsquo;s OTT Strategies in 4K

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The concept of soft power, coined by Joseph Nye Jr., defines a nation&#39;s capacity to influence global affairs through cultural attraction and ideological co-option rather than military or economic coercion. In the contemporary media landscape, this form of influence has been fundamentally reshaped by Over-the-Top (OTT) platforms, which serve as direct conduits for cultural narratives into homes worldwide. The rise of South Korea&#39;s <a href="https://unctad.org/system/files/official-document/ditctsce2023d3_en.pdf">Hallyu</a>, or &quot;Korean Wave,&quot; provides a compelling case study of a nation&#39;s deliberate and successful mobilization of cultural resources for diplomatic and economic gain. A strategic national effort since the 1990s, the government-backed promotion of K-dramas, K-pop, and films has given South Korea an undeniable advantage in the realm of <a href="https://www.republicworld.com/india/pm-modi-highlights-popularity-of-k-pop-k-drama-in-india-after-meeting-south-korean-president-lee-jae-myung-in-delhi">screen diplomacy</a>. However, a comparative analysis of South Korea&#39;s assertive strategy with India&#39;s approach reveals a stark and troubling contrast. While India, a country with a rich history of cultural exports and a vast global diaspora, has immense soft power potential, its media landscape is currently struggling to maintain influence.&nbsp;

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India&#39;s uncoordinated and fragmented engagement with OTT platforms has led to a paradoxical decline in its cultural soft power, particularly as foreign content to a worldwide audience, most notably when compared with content from South Korea which has gained significant traction in the <a href="https://www.ey.com/en_in/newsroom/2025/03/india-s-m-e-sector-crosses-inr-2-point-5-trillion-in-2024-advertising-revenues-surge-by-8-point-1-percent-ficci-ey?utm_">market</a> foreign to itself. This disparity underscores a critical challenge: without a cohesive, <a href="https://www.orfonline.org/research/a-decadal-snapshot-of-india-s-soft-power-strategies-2014-2024">state-level strategy</a> to leverage its cultural significance in the digital age, India risks a profound erosion of its diplomatic value and its narrative-making power on the <a href="https://www.primuspartners.in/reports/press-play-indias-ott-story-goes-global">global stage</a>.

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The Strategic Orchestration of Cultural Capital: Korea&#39;s Ascent

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The ascent of Hallyu as a preeminent force in screen diplomacy is a direct result of its ability to cultivate deep emotional affinity among global audiences. K-dramas, in particular, have become a major sympathetic draw, not only driving millions of international visitors to South Korea for cultural tourism but also inspiring interest in the nation&#39;s lifestyle, language, and products. This phenomenon of screen-to-culture spillover translates directly into tangible economic and diplomatic gains. Moreover, strategic partnerships with global platforms like Netflix have amplified this influence. Studies indicate that <a href="https://about.netflix.com/en/news/ripple-effect-k-content-viewers-embracing-korean-culture">Netflix&#39;s</a> substantial investments in Korean content ensure its consistent placement on global &quot;Top 10&quot; lists, dramatically increasing its discoverability and audience reach. This proactive, government-backed synergy reinforces streaming platforms as a powerful soft-power apparatus.&nbsp;

In stark contrast, India&#39;s OTT growth has been largely market-driven, lacking the kind of cohesive, state-led cultural diplomacy that reinforces the impact of Indian content on a global scale. As a result, while <a href="https://www.iemmys.tv/2020-international-emmy-winners-announced-live-at-ceremony-held-from-new-york-city/?utm_.com">Indian series</a> remain strong domestically, they have yet to generate comparable levels of global affinity and cultural traction.

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The Paradox of Promise: India&rsquo;s Fading Cinematic Influence

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India&#39;s decline in global soft power on OTT platforms stands in sharp contrast to Bollywood&rsquo;s previous era of cinematic prominence. As recently as 2008, then-Prime Minister Manmohan Singh explicitly highlighted Bollywood as a key instrument of diplomatic leverage. The international acclaim garnered by actors like Amitabh Bachchan&mdash;from being voted the &quot;Greatest Star of the Millennium&quot; by the BBC to receiving France&rsquo;s prestigious Legion of Honour&mdash;symbolized a unified and potent global brand. While subsequent films like Aamir Khan&#39;s <a href="https://chinafilminsider.com/dangal-sells-bollywood-feminism-china-box-office/">Dangal</a> and <a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/entertainment/bollywood/box-office-collection/aamir-khan-film-secret-superstar-china-box-office-5066619/">Secret Superstar </a>achieved unprecedented breakthroughs in specific foreign markets, they represent isolated successes rather than a consistent, continuous export brand that can consistently shape global perceptions.&nbsp;

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This fragmentation is exacerbated by the challenges facing <a href="https://www.india-briefing.com/news/indias-ott-media-services-industry-rapid-growth-amid-competition-for-market-share-26375.html/">India&#39;s OTT </a>sector. A crucial problem lies in the tension between creative freedom and regulatory oversight. Since the enactment of the 2021 IT Rules for digital media, high-profile controversies, such as that surrounding the series <a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/entertainment/web-series/controversies-surrounding-tandav-heres-everything-you-should-know-7163727/">Tandav</a>, have led to legal pressures and a chilling effect on creators. This environment encourages a retreat to safer, formula-driven content, inhibiting the bold, culturally specific narratives that often become a country&#39;s global &quot;<a href="https://ndl.ethernet.edu.et/bitstream/123456789/62411/1/53..pdf">calling card</a>.&quot; Consequently, while Indian platforms produce a vast volume of shows, their creative hesitation and a tendency toward hyper-local, formulaic content limit their ability to resonate with and build cultural affinity among a wider international audience.

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Forging a Path Forward: A Call for Strategic Renewal

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To revitalize its soft power in the digital age, India&rsquo;s media strategy requires a fundamental and <a href="https://diplomatist.com/indias-soft-power-in-the-digital-age-media-technologyand-the-globalknowledge-economy/">collaborative reorientation</a>. The first critical step is to acknowledge that while policy and regulation are necessary for oversight, they cannot be the sole drivers of compelling content. True global resonance is born from the ability of creators to take risks, a freedom that must be enabled and backed by the state. This requires the establishment of a state-backed creative ecosystem, where government policy actively incentivizes bold and innovative storytelling through subsidies and tax benefits, mirroring the strategic support that fueled the Korean Wave. Concurrently, a new paradigm for<a href="https://link.springer.com/book/10.1057/9781137498694"> creative freedom</a> must be fostered, one that protects artists from legal and political pressures, thereby liberating them to craft globally resonant narratives&mdash;including those that explore new genres like sci-fi, fantasy, and complex human dramas&mdash;that can serve as powerful &quot;calling cards&quot; for the nation. This synergy between government, platforms, and creators would enable the production of stories that are not just culturally authentic but also universally compelling, transforming the vast quantity of Indian content into a strategically designed force for global cultural influence.

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 India and South Korea’s OTT Strategies in 4K

Precarity refers to a state of uncertain existence. It is often used to describe the precariat, a socio-economic group defined by unpredictability in job security. Precarity also refers to a state of psychological or material uncertainty.&nbsp;

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The contextual meanings of precarity have multidisciplinary shades. Philosopher Karl Marx theorised <a href="https://monthlyreview.org/articles/marxs-theory-of-working-class-precariousness/">precarity</a> among the proletariat. Economist Guy Standing defines the <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1536504214558209">precariat</a> as people from disparate socio-economic backgrounds emerging to form a distinct social class, defined by contingent and flexible labour, <a href="https://www.weforum.org/stories/2016/11/precariat-global-class-rise-of-populism/">fuelling the rise </a>of populism. Philosopher Judith Butler posits that human life is inherently <a href="https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/english/currentstudents/undergraduates/modules/fulllist/second/en229/butler_frames_of_war.pdf">precarious</a> because it can be &ldquo;expunged at will or by accident.&rdquo; However, marginalised lives are more precarious than others since social institutions and norms decide the <a href="https://criticallegalthinking.com/2016/05/26/livability-judith-butler/">extent of precarity</a>. In the last decade, the term has found widespread recognition in <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/may/15/cash-credits-and-crisis-life-in-the-new-european-precariat">Europe</a>, the <a href="https://www.newstatesman.com/ideas/2026/02/britain-is-getting-poorer-and-angrier">UK</a> in particular, while in <a href="https://thewire.in/labour/the-plight-of-gig-workers-in-india">India</a> precarity manifests as &lsquo;gig work&rsquo;.

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Informality and precarity describe the adverse impacts on employment resulting from <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/general-labour-history-of-africa/precarious-and-informal-labour/FD10D1AC7874C4D424583C658CFD91BA">global market liberalisation</a>. Informality connotes unprotected employment, characterised by lack of security and social provisions. <a href="https://www.e-elgar.com/shop/gbp/neoliberal-capitalism-and-precarious-work-9781781954942.html?srsltid=AfmBOooIg5G-je7HUXs9R2ALSpxA1H8GecbUI7NOO73uozMlOspqKMds">Neoliberal capitalism</a> has created a pervasiveness of precarious work in informal arenas such as sweatshops, industry sites and unpaid homework or care economy. Regimes based on <a href="https://www.eth.mpg.de/4778698/book_259">flexible labour</a> creates employment which stands on a flimsy base of casualised workforce and weakening organised labour. India&rsquo;s code on social security recognises gig workers but <a href="https://eastasiaforum.org/2026/04/09/indias-gig-economy-is-growing-faster-than-its-protections/">leaves much to be desired</a> in terms of discretionary welfare benefits, contingent on rigid engagement criteria, and insufficient to shield women workers from algorithmic bias and harassment. The flexibility of the platform economy <a href="https://www.governancenow.com/views/columns/the-gig-economy-paradox-flexibility-or-precarity">hides the cost of uncertainty</a> as payment systems exacerbate insecurity and worker health worsens compounded by deprivations. Measures such as fair social security, algorithmic transparency and a unified national registration system could bridge the divide between ideals and outcomes. Should platforms with <a href="https://eastasiaforum.org/2026/04/09/indias-gig-economy-is-growing-faster-than-its-protections/">employer-like control</a> be held accountable to employer-like obligations? Real progress stands behind confronting this question.&nbsp;

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In the formal sector, a number of reasons have made employment precarious. Job insecurity drives &lsquo;<a href="https://albimarketing.com/blog/the-hidden-attrition-risk-why-your-most-valuable-employees-might-be-the-ones-youre-not-recognizing/">hidden attrition</a>&rsquo; eroding productivity and workplace morale. Discontent with job descriptions and KPIs lead to <a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/21582440221123289">disengaged work</a> coexisting with job hunts while being employed. <a href="https://hbr.org/2025/07/hybrid-still-isnt-working">Hybrid work models</a> cause emotional distancing due to lack of social capital. Generational divide in technology and AI adoption causes <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/technology/ng-interactive/2026/apr/07/ai-training-work-jobs">older employees</a> to lag behind. <a href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/india-faces-jobless-growth-problem">Employment elasticity</a> among formal salaried groups remains low. Chronic stress and <a href="https://www.who.int/news/item/28-05-2019-burn-out-an-occupational-phenomenon-international-classification-of-diseases">burnout</a> reduce efficiency. Employees are left wondering if they are meant to sell hours in exchange for monthly paychecks leading to the question of whether work needs to be redefined in order to reclaim autonomy. A number of psycho-social behaviours have come to characterise precarious workplace conditions. For instance, &lsquo;<a href="https://www.personio.com/hr-lexicon/quiet-quitting/">quiet quitting</a>&rsquo; refers to doing the bare minimum and &lsquo;<a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/jobs/hr-policies-trends/from-bare-minimum-mondays-to-job-hugging-the-phrases-defining-work-in-2025/articleshow/124822107.cms?from=mdr">job hugging</a>&rsquo; refers to retention despite dissatisfaction or instability. &lsquo;<a href="https://www.mentalfloss.com/language/words/most-popular-workplace-buzzwords-explained">Boreout syndrome</a>&rsquo; is disengagement stemming from understimulating office environments and &lsquo;<a href="https://www.mentalfloss.com/language/words/most-popular-workplace-buzzwords-explained">Poly-employment</a>&rsquo; means holding multiple formal or semi-formal jobs simultaneously for income security. These trends reflect a growing informalising of the formal sector led by gig integration and platform-isation amidst volatile prospects of current workplace promotions and alternate job switching.&nbsp;&nbsp;

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This brings me to <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01425692.2022.2076387#d1e95">academic precarity</a>. It is characterised by increasingly-shorter and casual contracts, neoliberal bureaucratisation, burdensome metrics such as h-indexes and impact factors, and power inequalities heightened between academic nepotists and aspirants. <a href="https://www.culanth.org/fieldsights/the-precarity-of-academic-work-the-work-of-academic-precarity">Academic job scarcity </a>breeds neurosis, eroding confidence and training among early-career scholars. Precarity manifests in affective dysregulation in academic ecosystems. It has intersectional dimensions - that of race, gender and class which affect knowledge production, relations, and care. Despite Indian universities claiming they believe in &lsquo;<a href="https://frontline.thehindu.com/social-issues/social-justice/caste-denial-indian-college-campuses/article70610794.ece">castelessness</a>&rsquo;, 98 students have lost their lives between 2018 to 2023 due to caste discrimination on campuses. Caste discrimination, <a href="https://frontline.thehindu.com/the-nation/education/iits-merit-caste-radical-education-crisis-reservation-social-justice/article69923177.ece">elitism </a>and <a href="https://thewire.in/caste/beyond-statistics-the-link-between-institutional-caste-discrimination-and-student-suicides-in-india">students suicides </a>are inextricably linked. <a href="https://scroll.in/article/1088643/class-caste-collapsing-public-universities-why-indian-researchers-publish-in-predatory-journals">Predatory journal</a> publication aggravates academic peril. The Transgender Amendment Bill 2026 <a href="https://vidhilegalpolicy.in/blog/transgender-bill-2026-narrower-definitions-wider-constitutional-questions/">threatens the freedom of gender self-expression</a>, diminishing rights and freedoms of queer and trans students, thereby increasing precarity in academia. In international universities, precarity heightens suspicion toward scholars from minority groups and results in phenomena such as <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/social-sciences/deprofessionalization">deprofessionalisation</a>, and <a href="https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11698332/">hostile networks</a>. Advocating care ethics, transparency, and systemic reform, one needs to reframe precarity towards equity and justice in higher education. <a href="https://www.culanth.org/fieldsights/the-precarity-of-academic-work-the-work-of-academic-precarity">Tenure-track woes</a> need distinction from broader precarity by embracing disciplinary learnings beyond academia and including diverse voices deterred by instability.

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How does one fight precarity? The answer lies in hope and resilience. Everyday acts of kindness and mental fortitude in a vulnerable world melts glaciers of bias, prejudice and discrimination. In formal and informal workplaces, policy measures such as universal social security, stricter platform regulations and contract-to-permanent pathways strengthen collective empowerment.&nbsp; In larger policy terms, <a href="https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC8239480/#Sec5">enabling citizens</a> by broad-consensus coalition building and fostering meaningful political discourse can be effective ways of regaining control in precarious times. <a href="https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC8239480/#Sec5">Community network building</a>, skill diversification, and activism grounded in <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/radical-empathy/A8D8622ACC131496580E045D73168A01">radical empathy</a> will pave the way for systemic change in institutional settings.&nbsp;

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P.S The title of this blog is an ode to my <a href="https://priyammarik.substack.com/p/life-in-the-precariat">friend&rsquo;s blog</a> of the same name. I find his work inspirational.&nbsp;

Life in the Precariat

Gender is engraved in International Relations where women&rsquo;s &lsquo;lived experience&rsquo; is bypassed within the international order. Terms such as sovereignty, power, nationalism, and fraternity have masculine connotations. This issue briefly examines the feminist epistemology that strives to eradicate this imbalance by asking who has the power to define knowledge and whose voices shape policy.<a href="https://iep.utm.edu/fem-epis/">Feminist epistemology</a> has influenced foreign policy in Sweden, Canada, and India by pivoting around women&rsquo;s rights and participation.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Epistemology is another lens through which feminism can be approached. State and Gender have a reciprocal relationship. Feminist <a href="https://www.impriindia.com/insights/can-feminist-foreign-policy-truly-transform-global-power-or-is-it-reproducing-the-same-old-inequalities-2/">foreign</a> policy attempts to redistribute epistemic power in global politics by treating women&rsquo;s perspectives as legitimate sources of knowledge. Yet, Sweden, Canada, and Germany reveal both the potential and limitations of this approach: while each has opened space for women&rsquo;s leadership and feminist frameworks, contradictions between rhetoric and practice demonstrate how entrenched interests and masculinist logics of International Relations constrain transformative change.&nbsp;

Sweden: Pioneer of Feminist Foreign Policy&nbsp;

Under the leadership of Foreign Minister<a href="https://www.icrw.org/publications/feminist-foreign-policy/"> Margot Wallstrom</a>, Sweden became the frontrunner in Feminist Foreign Policy in 2014. The Swedish framework encompasses &lsquo;the three Rs&rsquo;: women&rsquo;s Rights, backed with Resources and supporting increased female<a href="https://www.icrw.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/ICRW_DefiningFeministForeignPolicy_Brief_Revised_v5_WebReady.pdf"> representation</a>. This represents a&nbsp;

feminist epistemology that intrinsically values women&rsquo;s empowerment while shaping international politics. Sweden put Feminist Foreign Policy into practice in the domains of diplomacy, development, and security. At the United Nations, Sweden endorsed the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda and proposed a mediation process involving female negotiators. Embassies were instructed to integrate <a href="https://wiisglobal.org/resource_category/gender-mainstreaming/">gender analysis</a> into their programming, with diplomats trained to collect sex-disaggregated data and consult women&rsquo;s organisations in host countries. Development aid also reflected this lens, prioritising reproductive rights, education for girls, and support for survivors of gender-based violence.&nbsp;

Despite all its efforts, Sweden&rsquo;s Feminist Foreign Policy faced challenges. Firstly, its feminist approach and national interest led to a conflict, as Sweden&rsquo;s track record as a leading exporter of arms is often used to illustrate the inconsistencies embedded in its feminist foreign policy <a href="https://su.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1764652/FULLTEXT01.pdf">conduct</a>. Secondly, from a postcolonial perspective, the pro-gender state can act as a colonizing force pursuing a &lsquo;civilizing mission&rsquo; to bring gender equality to women in need of being &lsquo;<a href="https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11266145/">liberated</a>&rsquo;. Thirdly, the resources and funding allocated for the &ldquo;She Decides&rdquo; initiative implementing Feminist Foreign Policy have not been transparent to the public. Lastly, the new government surrendered all the FPP labels and initiatives, which shows how fragile the whole facade was.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Canada&rsquo;s Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP)&nbsp;

In June 2017, following Sweden, Canada looked at Feminist Foreign Policy through the&nbsp; Development Aid instead of a full spectrum. FIAP&rsquo;s central claim was that promoting gender equality is the most effective approach to eradicating poverty and building a more peaceful, inclusive, and prosperous<a href="https://www.international.gc.ca/world-monde/issues_development-enjeux_developpement/priorities-priorites/policy-politique.aspx?lang=eng"> world</a>. Thus, while Sweden emphasised equality as an intrinsic good, Canada framed it as an instrumental pathway toward development outcomes. The FIAP approached Feminist Foreign Policy through 6 priority areas, including Gender Equality, Human Dignity, Women&rsquo;s Economic Empowerment, Climate Action, Women&rsquo;s Political Participation, and Peace and Security. Canada also focused on getting direct consultation from women recipients in the design and implementation of projects.&nbsp;&nbsp;

But Canada faced a lot of implementation hurdles, including analysts arguing that FIAP risks reproducing a narrow, liberal feminism that excludes intersectional concerns such as Indigenous women&rsquo;s rights or LGBTQ+ <a href="https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7586002/">perspectives</a>. It also faced a lot of criticism because no funds were allocated to FIAP; thus, existing aid was supposed to be reallocated.&nbsp;

Lastly, Canada&rsquo;s arms deal with Saudi Arabia faced criticism as it demoted feminist values. This inconsistency raises doubts about whether feminist epistemology is genuinely mainstreamed or confined to the softer domain of development.

&nbsp;

From Equity to Deterrence: Germany&rsquo;s Feminist Foreign Policy&nbsp;&nbsp;

Under the Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, Germany adopted a feminist foreign policy, leading to a transition in its diplomatic and security ties. It had some major successes, such as the institutionalisation of gender perspectives across policy initiatives, funding in women-led&nbsp;

civil organisations, foregrounding sexual and reproductive health and rights in development cooperation, and pushing the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda in multilateral forums. Germany also put weight on women&#39;s concerns in the EU and UN, signalling that gender equality is not a soft issue but central to peace and democracy.&nbsp;

Although the national implementations of FFP only partially realised feminist demands, the mere fact of official policy referencing feminism challenges traditional ways of thinking and political <a href="https://www.swp-berlin.org/10.18449/2022C48/">patterns</a>. This shows the use of the term &ldquo;feminism&rdquo; as a form of enhancing rhetoric, not to bring a transformational change in the activities of the sovereign nations. Germany further worked in the opposite direction of its FFP goals via its arms exports to conflict zones in the Ukraine-Russia War. Instead, geopolitical credibility and deterrence, or realist and masculinist concepts of security, were prioritised over feminist ideals of demilitarisation and human security. In addition, the policy was largely contained within the realm of diplomatic elites, providing little room for feminist voices from the Global South or intersectional approaches. This reveals a fundamental contradiction: Germany&rsquo;s FFP fights gender blindness in foreign policy but remains part of a state system that privileges power, dominance and militarisation, notions which are associated with masculinity.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Conclusion&nbsp;

Ultimately, the pursuit of feminist foreign policy is about epistemic justice; recognizing that knowledge about global politics does not reside in think tanks, generals, or diplomats, but also in the lived experiences of women, marginalized communities, and grassroots movements worldwide. The cases of Sweden, Germany, and Canada reinforce the belief, widely held

throughout the world by both men and women, that military and foreign policy are arenas of <a href="https://academic.oup.com/isr/article/27/1/viaf007/8109153">policy-making,</a> least appropriate for women. Strength, power, autonomy, independence, and rationality, all typically associated with men and masculinity, are characteristics we most value in those to whom we entrust the conduct of our foreign policy and the defence of our national interest. It further questions the policymaking process that is taken for the states, excluding the guidance, consultations, and participation of half the population.

Epistemology and Power: Critique of Feminist Foreign Policy 

Telangana was formed as the 29th state of India in 2014. Since then it has emerged as one of the <a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/hyderabad/telanganas-pci-reaches-rs-4-18-lakh-vision-2047-targets-3tn-economy-says-governor/articleshow/129617283.cms">fastest-growing</a> states in India. Currently its per capita income is the highest among the major states. The state has recently presented its ambitious budget of USD 39 billion for the financial year (FY)&nbsp; 2026-27 which is the first budget since the unveiling of the long term vision of <a href="https://telanganarising2047.org/">&nbsp;&ldquo;Rising Telangana 2047&rdquo;</a>. The strategy envisions making Telangana a<a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/hyderabad/telanganas-3-trillion-dream-3-pillars-to-power-a-2047-leap/articleshow/129708004.cms"> $3 trillion</a> economy. This ambitious target is highly vulnerable to high fiscal stress, debt-fueled low quality irrigation projects and stark regional inequality.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Telangana&rsquo;s State Gross Domestic Product (SGDP) at the time of its formation was USD 61 billion which has grown nominally at the compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 12.9% to USD 215 billion in 2026. Its per capita income at USD 5,000 is nearly double of the national average. The <a href="https://www.deccanherald.com/business/telangana-it-exports-hit-rs-313-lakh-crore-amid-services-sector-surge-3939905">service sector </a>contributes about 65% of its GDP,&nbsp; mainly due to the Hyderabad region which dominates nationally in information technology and related services. Agriculture has also grown at 11-12% per year which is about three times the national average, due to the state&#39;s heavy investment in irrigation projects and direct benefit transfers to farmers.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

The state budget for FY 2026-27 is pivoting towards capital expenditure of <a href="https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2221455&amp;reg=3&amp;lang=2">USD 5.7 billion</a> which is 14.5% of its annual budget. Similarly, budgetary allocation to rural development, agriculture and irrigation is cumulatively around 25% (USD 9.5 billion) of budget expenditure, which is significantly higher than some of the major states. Most importantly, Telangana has focused on building irrigation infrastructure that has helped the state agriculture sector quadruple since 2014. However, the state has historically underinvested in its health and education sectors, which are fundamental to build human capital. Even In this budget,the combined expenditure on health and education is only around USD 5 billion or 12.80% of the total budget.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

The budget has operationalized the &ldquo;Rising Telangana 2047&rdquo; by formalizing the Core Urban Region Economy-Peri Urban Region Economy-Rural Agri Region Economy <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/telangana/telangana-rising-2047-cm-favours-separate-plans-for-core-urban-peri-urban-and-rural-agro-economies-in-the-vision-document/article70331600.ece">(CURE-PURE-RARE) model</a>, for which it has allocated around USD 11.7 billion or 33% of the budget expenditure. Under the model, CURE economic region will primarily fall within the periphery of the Outer Ring Road (ORR) and will be a knowledge-driven service economy. The PURE economic region will fall between the ORR and Regional Ring Road (RRR) which will be an advanced manufacturing based economy. Beyond RRR, an agriculture-driven economy will form the RARE zone. To reach USD 1.20 trillion by 2034 and eventually to USD 3 trillion by 2047 the state is banking heavily on future technologies with a 30,000 acre Bharat Future City, Genomics Valley, EV and advanced manufacturing in the PURE economic region.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Anchoring the economy on future technology requires massive investment, but the state&rsquo;s capacity to invest in infrastructure development is constrained by the ghost of its past irrigation development expenditures. To fund these irrigation projects the state relied on off balance sheet borrowing on the books of state corporations. These borrowings are to the tune of USD 14-15 billion, out of which&nbsp; USD 10.5 billion was borrowed only for the Kaleshwaram Irrigation Project. These off balance sheet borrowings did not show in the official state borrowings; when included, total borrowing by the state breaches the limit set by the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM), <a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/economy/policy/borrowings-by-telangana-exceeded-frbm-mandated-limit-alleges-sitharaman/articleshow/93945871.cms?from=mdr">2003 at 36%</a>.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

This leads to interest payments of around USD 3 billion which are nearly 8-9% of the state revenue receipt. In fact, committed expenditure is about 75% of the state&#39;s revenue. With this high committed expenditure, very little is left for strategic capital expenditure from the revenue receipt. At the time of state formation, Telangana was&nbsp; a rare revenue surplus state but over the years it has become a revenue deficit state with FY 2025-26 estimated revenue deficit nearly at USD 1.5 billion or&nbsp; 0.7% of GDP.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Another major criticism of the Tenanaga development model is that it is highly <a href="https://www.epw.in/journal/2014/37/reports-states-web-exclusives/skewed-urban-development-telangana.html">skewed</a> towards the Hyderabad region. This region contributes around 54% of its SGDP. In per capita income terms Rangareddy is one of the highest per capita income districts in the country at USD 13,800; in contrast, Vikarabad&rsquo;s per capita income is just USD 2,400.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

The state may also lack the capacity to plan and execute large infrastructure projects: for example, the Kaleshwaram Irrigation Project, the world&rsquo;s largest multi-channel lift irrigation system, is non-operational due to structural issues.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

In short, Telangana has been a successful state in economic terms, but its success has mainly been driven by the Hyderabad region and the state has accumulated a huge debt to fund non-operational irrigation projects. To achieve USD 3 trillion of SGDP by 2047 it needs to abandon the mindset of &ldquo;prestige projects&rdquo; in favour of tight fiscal discipline, a more decentralized development model, and higher investment in health and education without which achieving a knowledge-driven inclusive economy is not possible.&nbsp;

Telangana’s 2026-27 Budget: Balancing the 2047 Vision with Debt and Disparity

India is being hailed by everyone, as the shining example of digital revival. The key to this transformation is the <a href="https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/how-indias-upi-is-revolutionising-global-digital-payments-explained-simply-8948876">Unified Payments Interface (UPI)</a> that has reached a record volume of over 640 million transactions each day and contributed to more than half of the real-time digital payments globally. UPI is not merely a payment system, it is a tool of <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/en/economy/article/2024/03/03/india-s-upi-mobile-payment-system-a-soft-power-tool_6581530_19.html">soft power</a>, which redistributes global perceptions of the technological leadership of India.&nbsp;

India should be a digital architect and export its ideologies and not just the platforms of openness, equity and interoperability through projects like <a href="https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/beyond-just-looking-the-india-stack-upi-and-global-economic-transformation">India Stack</a>, <a href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/india-s-plan-world-without-cash">Operation Rupee Global</a> and the Digital Rupee. With the world going towards a model of cashless future, the Indian model provides an excellent option to proprietary systems. India is no longer asking whether it can now lead, but how it is going to shape that leadership.&nbsp;

What would happen to the future of global finance, if instead of Silicon Valley or Beijing, New Delhi took the lead? The Indian digital ecosystem based on UPI and India Stack has already started to transform the lives back in India. It is now ready to transform world standards. The aim of this blog is to understand that technology should be used to support society and not just markets. As a policymaker, entrepreneur, or student, learning lessons in ethics, scale, and innovation, the digital journey in India has a number of experiences to take. No matter what you think of India, this is not only India-related, this is a global call to action on the future of tech diplomacy.

India&rsquo;s Digital Infrastructure as a Global Model

UPI and the Power of Interoperability

<a href="https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/how-indias-upi-is-revolutionising-global-digital-payments-explained-simply-8948876">UPI</a> has revolutionized digital payments, there are no fees to pay, transactions will be in real-time and is so easy to integrate with hundreds of other banks. UPI is an open architecture that promotes inclusion and trustfulness. The fact that it has expanded to France, Singapore, UAE and few other countries indicate a change: Indian tech can scale, but it can export it, as well.

India Stack and Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI)

The <a href="https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/beyond-just-looking-the-india-stack-upi-and-global-economic-transformation">India Stack</a> is a stackable DPI framework that includes Aadhaar (identity), UPI (payments) and DEPA (data governance) building power of exits. It is interoperable, nonproprietary, and replicable. India can serve as an example of a country that modernizes an outdated system in a bottom-up style, which is based on the priorities of being more accessible, transparent, and innovative.

&nbsp;

Financial Inclusion and Sovereignty

India has brought under the banking net more than 500 million people, usually females, with programs such as Jan Dhan Yojana. NIPL is also aiding other nations to make their own systems using <a href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/india-s-plan-world-without-cash">Operation Rupee Global</a>. The fact that UPI can bypass SWIFT to allow even transactions with countries that are sanctioned, like Russia, means a change of financial abilities in the world. In the event of success, India would become an independent player in international finance.

Digital Diplomacy and India&rsquo;s Soft Power Strategy

Tech as a Tool of Global Influence

India is also using it as a tool of diplomacy. At that, it seems that UPI has evolved to become a kind of soft power deployed by Indian tourists abroad or absorbed into other economies. NPCI and RBI are hoping to scale UPI in 20 countries by 2028-29 through the operation rupee global. Such growth would put India in a significant global financial position particularly as UPI will facilitate transactions beyond the SWIFT environment.

Digital Rupee and Currency Diplomacy

India&rsquo;s<a href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/india-s-plan-world-without-cash"> Digital Rupee</a>, launched in pilot form in 2022, is integrated with UPI and designed for cross-border payments. It peaked at one million daily retail transactions in December 2023, though adoption has since slowed. Still, its potential to support sovereign digital finance and challenge dollar dominance is immense. As<a href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/india-s-plan-world-without-cash"> Lowy Institute</a> reports, UPI is being internationalized through NPCI&rsquo;s Operation Rupee Global. By co-developing infrastructure with partner nations, India offers an alternative to tech colonization, one rooted in collaboration and shared growth.

Youth as Architects of India&rsquo;s Digital Future

The biggest asset India has to boast of is not only its technology but its people. India has produced young generation entrepreneurs. Most of them have advanced to lead the global tech ecosystems. The attention now has to turn inward. Domestic investment in innovation, research, and Digital Product Infrastructure would help the country to have their youths to be architects of sovereign solutions. It is not only their task to write the code, but to organize, to design and to shape the future of digital diplomacy.

India has been on a digital trip that can teach a lesson in scale, ethical practices and innovation. To actually lead however, it has to shift towards being proactive in its strategy instead of being reactive in terms of it attaining success. Few suggestions in terms of policy developments are here:

1. Regulate Digital Diplomacy: The practice of tech exports should become a subject of formal rules tailored to foreign policy, making sure to focus on ethical conduct and inclusive designs.&nbsp;

2. Expand Global Partnerships: Overseas breakthroughs should be followed by efforts to create global partnerships to build infrastructures with rather than export infrastructures to developing countries.&nbsp;

3. Make Young People Digital Ambassadors: Start of a fellowship program and digital incubators so that students and startups can promote the Indian approach to technology to the world.&nbsp;

4. Invest in Frontier Technologies: India will have to ramp up the research and development of emerging tech such as artificial intelligence, quantum computing, green technology and space technology.&nbsp;&nbsp;

India&#39;s digital journey is more than a success story, it is a blueprint for the world. From the interoperability of UPI to the inclusive architecture of India Stack, India has demonstrated that technology can be both powerful and equitable. But the real test of leadership lies not in what has been built, but in what is shared. As the global order searches for alternatives to tech monopolies and dollar-dominated finance, India stands at a rare inflection point: to move from being a participant in the global digital economy to becoming its architect. This demands more than infrastructure, it demands vision, values, and the political will to champion a model where innovation serves humanity, not just profit. The code has been written. The systems are live. Now, India must lead with purpose, not just in pixels and payments, but in principles.

India’s Digital Diplomacy: From UPI to Global Tech Sovereignty

&nbsp;&ldquo;Mama, it&rsquo;s over. Leave me here, and you run away.&rdquo; Cried a girl of 14&nbsp;with cerebral palsy. She had lost her assistive device in a military attack in north <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/05/gaza-palestinians-disabilities-fear-being-killed-first-says-un-committee">Gaza</a>. Her parents were helping her flee from the c<a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/05/gaza-palestinians-disabilities-fear-being-killed-first-says-un-committee">onflict area</a>. Such chilling accounts of attack and separations have been reported from Gaza. However, this is not just a story of Gaza. Conflicts all around affect communities unequally. Often, persons with disabilities (PwD) are more affected in conflict areas as accessible infrastructure and aid are unavailable.

The &ldquo;United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities&quot; (UNCRPD) is a revolutionary multilateral human rights treaty, focusing on making the world more accessible. Yet, the dialogue on accessibility stays missing during conflicts. The United Nations General Assembly adopted the UNCRPD in December 2006. With 50 articles, the UNCRPD&nbsp;aims to recognize international standards for the entitled human rights of PwD. It addresses conflict situations, as outlined in Article 11, which requires parties to guarantee the protection and safety of PwD in situations of risk, including armed conflicts and humanitarian <a href="https://brill.com/view/journals/yido/4/1/article-p432_20.xml">emergencies.</a> It is imperative to ask the question of how prepared the world is to support disabilities in crises and examine any measures that have been undertaken to address this gap. Many countries are signatories of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities&quot;, including India.

While many countries have expressed humanitarian aid and support. There is no or limited mention of assistive aid. Over the years, the Leahy war victim&rsquo;s funds have helped many conflict-ridden countries with a special focus on providing rehabilitation, mobility aids, and prosthetic devices. This has been very helpful in empowering PwD in countries like<a href="https://www.vnah-hev.org/news/a-tribute-from-us-senator-patrick-leahy/"> </a><a href="https://www.vnah-hev.org/news/a-tribute-from-us-senator-patrick-leahy/">Vietnam.</a> In the past, the US has provided treatment for child amputees in the<a href="https://www.smry.ai/proxy?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.theguardian.com%2Fworld%2Fng-interactive%2F2025%2Fmar%2F27%2Fgaza-palestine-children-injuries%3Futm_source%3Dchatgpt.com"> </a><a href="https://www.smry.ai/proxy?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.theguardian.com%2Fworld%2Fng-interactive%2F2025%2Fmar%2F27%2Fgaza-palestine-children-injuries%3Futm_source%3Dchatgpt.com">Gaza war.</a> However, with the suspension of<a href="https://www.state.gov/implementing-the-presidents-executive-order-on-reevaluating-and-realigning-united-states-foreign-aid"> USAID</a>, the continuity of this fund also hangs by a thread. Poland has also worked towards advocating for PwD affected in the Ukraine war. In 2024, the Warsaw Declaration was changed to highlight that&nbsp; the rights and needs of PwDs must be upheld by policymakers an<a href="https://www.edf-feph.org/new-declaration-disability-inclusive-recovery-and-reconstruction-of-ukraine/">d donors</a>. Poland also initiated the UN Security Council resolution (2019) on protection of PwD in armed conflicts, thereby tuning it in with the UNCRPD. Apart from countries, many international organizations such as UNICEF, Red Cross have also aided.

Despite the efforts made by countries and international organizations, the aid has not been able to reach the target population. We&nbsp;still hear gut-wrenching stories coming from worn-torn regions in the world. The United Nations Committee for PwD noted that in Gaza there is a&nbsp; disproportionate impact on PwD,as access to medical support and essential goods has been cut off, and access to humanitarian assistance is<a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/05/gaza-palestinians-disabilities-fear-being-killed-first-says-un-committee"> </a><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/05/gaza-palestinians-disabilities-fear-being-killed-first-says-un-committee">non-existent.</a> While there is limited data and reportage on the difficulties that PwD&rsquo;s face in conflict Zones. This statement in itself proves the failure of policies in place to support humanity.

According to the Global Peace Index,2025;&nbsp;over 122 million people are now uprooted. In 17 countries around five per cent or more of the population are either refugees or have been internally<a href="https://www.visionofhumanity.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Global-Peace-Index-2025-web.pdf"> </a><a href="https://www.visionofhumanity.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Global-Peace-Index-2025-web.pdf">displaced</a>.&nbsp; Research in Cameroon focused on how PwDs lost not only their livelihoods but also accessible homes. When they were looted by the<a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/06/08/persons-disabilities-context-armed-conflict"> </a><a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/06/08/persons-disabilities-context-armed-conflict">security forces.</a> In such cases, fleeing from home becomes a task as accessible infrastructure is the first to get hampered, making PwD more vulnerable. In North East Nigeria&rsquo;s Borno state, we see the collapse of the government policies to protect the marginalized. Interestingly, the citizens-led strategies have helped the PwD&rsquo;s and elderly to<a href="https://civiliansinconflict.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Nigeria-PWD.pdf"> survive</a>. This is a result of government strategies being exclusive and only accessible to a select few.&nbsp;

Conflicts, more than physically threatening citizens, scar them mentally. <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0160252716302436">UNCRPD</a> does include a degree of mental health as a disability.&nbsp; Afghanistan is a place that has been riddled with violence for over 40 years. Many people suffer from mental health issues such as PTSD. Regardless of this, international donors have focused their attention more on physical<a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/10/07/afghanistans-silent-mental-health-crisis"> </a><a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/10/07/afghanistans-silent-mental-health-crisis">health</a>. While it is important to rebuild health infrastructure, it is equally important to fund programs for mental health aid. As it helps with the stability-building of a society. Frequent displacement, exposure to conflict, and lack of education also make situations worse for<a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/06/08/persons-disabilities-context-armed-conflict#_ftn33"> </a><a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/06/08/persons-disabilities-context-armed-conflict#_ftn33">children</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Accessing basic amenities during&nbsp;unrest is difficult for everybody, but the situation worsens for people with disabilities for whom many areas are inaccessible. There is very little information available on the condition and the lives that people with disabilities live in such tumultuous areas. A lot of times, the refugee camps also lack accessibility for basic needs, making PwD&rsquo;s all the more dependent on others for their survival. It is imperative for the governments and organizations around the world to conduct more research for PwD&rsquo;s and their difficulties during conflict. The focus should be on the grassroot level to equip communities and societies to be first responders in crisis situations. Countries with better accessible infrastructure should share and help build sustainable infrastructure in conflict and disaster-prone countries. From the currently available information, it becomes difficult to understand the true hardships faced by many PwD&rsquo;s. It is necessary to Involve PwD in preparing response plans, in order for them to be effective. There is little to no information available about the troubles people with invisible disabilities such as autism, ADHD face in conflicts. Making it imperative to beg the question: how prepared the world is to support disabilities in crises.

Global cooperation is an important step towards creating an inclusive and sustainable world. Through effective foreign policy, we can focus on building a safer world for all. PwD&rsquo;s in conflict areas are often doubly marginalized. They don&rsquo;t just belong to the displaced communities but also try to survive in a world that isn&rsquo;t built for them. It is important&nbsp;that the world works together in upholding the UNCRPD.&nbsp;

Intersecting Vulnerabilities: Conflict Amplifies Disability Exclusion

At the recent launch of UNESCO&rsquo;s Global Report: <a href="https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000397330?posInSet=1&amp;queryId=53c2be71-1cd7-4fa4-a98e-1ebfc525fcee">Re|Shaping Policies for Creativity</a>, Ms. Ekaterina Travkina , Coordinator for Culture, Creative Industries and Global Events at the OECD, highlighted that Culture is now recognized across all ministries as an <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/posts/karalyn-monteil_culture-is-now-recognized-across-all-ministries-activity-7429833112701919232-pDuH?utm_source=social_share_send&amp;utm_medium=member_desktop_web&amp;rcm=ACoAAC7SArYB_w0Q7CTOOmbALwLgPQvsOJPVfz0">economic</a> sector. Diana Crane too, reiterates this statement in her article for the International Journal of <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/epdf/10.1080/10286632.2013.832233?needAccess=true">Cultural Policy</a> - Cultural Policy is an important element of globalisation. This is particularly true of cultural products such as films and television shows. Culture travels and so do movies, and the ones which find success outside of their country of origin, often serve as a gateway to be acquainted with, explore and learn about a new culture.&nbsp;

As a collaborative art form, films can blend customs, language, clothes, food effortlessly within the story, which can introduce viewers to a more multifaceted view of the place it is portraying. For example, last year&rsquo;s surprise hit, Netflix&rsquo;s K-pop Demon Hunters - an animated film which revolved around K-pop singers who moonlighted as demon-slayers - introduced viewers to Korean culture, songs, food, mythology and distinct entertainment practices such as music banks and fansigns. Within 2 months of its release, the movie caused an exponential<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O-_2dRLk210&amp;t=1s"> increase</a> in bookings and spending by foreign tourists, with many eager to explore the cultural aspects portrayed in the film, such as wearing the traditional Korean dress, Hanbok, visiting a jjimjilbang (Korean Sauna), trying authentic Korean food such as seolleongtang (beef bone soup), eomukguk (fishcake soup) and sundae (blood sausage), and taking K-pop dance classes and visiting concerts.&nbsp;

This phenomenon is described as &lsquo;Film-induced tourism&rsquo;, a distinct branch of tourism, where fans wish to visit and experience the <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/345320245_The_unexploited_potential's_causes_and_possible_solutions_in_the_Hungarian_film_tourism">popular locations</a> where the film was shot. Through movies, viewers can establish, <a href="https://almatourism.unibo.it/article/view/4952/4721">recognise</a> and form an emotional attachment towards the cities, sights, sounds and flavours they portray, which results in economic benefits from large visitor numbers and a free and far-reaching publicity of the local culture. They can introduce and enhance the audience&rsquo;s awareness of the place and culture and when the audience gains a strong, emotional attachment to this cinematic landscape, they might be<a href="https://pdf.sciencedirectassets.com/271716/1-s2.0-S0261517712X00037/1-s2.0-S0261517712000404/main.pdf?X-Amz-Security-Token=IQoJb3JpZ2luX2VjEPX%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2FwEaCXVzLWVhc3QtMSJHMEUCIQCJpjcbW5YOjcevT3r2LrkMOt3y%2FlqSoBrHW2UfpG7ZrQIgXFaZYPeLQrOuDO5DIMleHXHSqxwg8ubl6cRRB0AwTJ0qvAUIvf%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2FARAFGgwwNTkwMDM1NDY4NjUiDK8vjF0rBeeuE2KzWSqQBUEQFcItltGQVdfFLMTA67Q6%2BtrJMY2ycPtYxbLUbUOggG%2FtzlV9yOrja7GE7zfvCLtJeS64JXD1uurKHg3HtK7x2YxGv1%2FN0ItlvX0K%2FkARKuNI0lA90UkysL4pkRbB1zVNlBIH7R8aXZFasp9%2BPyXRc7QP9tOji8%2FUtj2aZAzU3jUeI0wgewJYeh2tJ0s00DxI9uDK7F1XyMgeFuL9bm1SNIxV5%2Fex8ryk2Ne7JmwG7SqzBQ2PXGNI%2BO0XJ%2FZ1rB1NF9pPnhlnmaDYEDL91VdJdo1OtyUmnUwo4Sm4Fwy5vhTfy%2BBy1R%2B0o1%2FvK6%2BxWnZAwokFlPeH%2BofTd6JW2LAwFQFRIaC1iUqCOqkOa1C7Pj%2BEoRscFAo7k%2Fk2AWyx4eS%2Bht5jSH%2FboCE%2FtNt5B2lPinyWL3f7CSKat9c8nGGod5Ou%2BlujZjTMvyzgc%2B1PoWH8DYEQdsHU%2Bi6Rtvg9LjPy2WJyZGWRm23%2Fzn7Cj30gb21BR0xWY%2FE%2FXerJ4vGNFIWVn5EaZYQGAnMc6GD2mjoW2Ej5trgcIjVsNqW1%2FYBgosLF4e8V7J2G%2BdHbazJ6xDPbAyZm1CHLdQSNH7Ch1bLunJKRiKaBIKUFni%2BNiTv8cyQLlBLd9snRDeVkeXS8R7Lw%2BmHfqvTV7WL7NcZJt9rCD8Y%2B6bTiRtQCJWpGL028LAfY4N0c3DEKWLuNcpyERM5K7IwMpjCf9Cf4%2FQ%2FTu4Ti4dBUDdBb%2BNxoK0fz9cMDiJSE56V1rxNvhlPMUIMqV2L9res1eTUDs9%2FBqaqbdR21HFSJ%2Bv4yPpFP5%2BuhjhXBw6I%2FvUYoAi7iDejomTvYGolFpFRS4FqtVX2tJNgs2MvoiY%2FnVhAOgy0SHhdeBrXxMNiF6swGOrEBJ5APMDZwdYRCQmI7CIIsYxPBMdjF4zMkppNz4yEgwem5JpLvicLDvoNRs08%2F54jh53wMRWu4RC2PrKeMC4yb5ILdlrQX7LzlFMz6VUKgPS6eeePwhstli7jTPW7ssJXtpJJ3v1PnrF50gZVy8a%2FBQwHfdGHF9e8WrNvo4mJZpsRJv7t9xqqGu088wiVJMmxt08hYlRDI9bp%2FGt3lBxkKsr2qwmajwvukmxUPzuGO%2FLwI&amp;X-Amz-Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&amp;X-Amz-Date=20260222T044740Z&amp;X-Amz-SignedHeaders=host&amp;X-Amz-Expires=300&amp;X-Amz-Credential=ASIAQ3PHCVTYV4BI3BPA%2F20260222%2Fus-east-1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&amp;X-Amz-Signature=ccff8118ec9016084d174db3372a2d1d221a30572ffc72d6dd776dd7118fd054&amp;hash=fbe057cf869cb8e428c6015875a7773382574f168417f8fc0457bacbf7790ae8&amp;host=68042c943591013ac2b2430a89b270f6af2c76d8dfd086a07176afe7c76c2c61&amp;pii=S0261517712000404&amp;tid=spdf-cf3d5a26-4c34-44e2-a95c-bf096978ffda&amp;sid=1019532c64364241711a6e305983a72cc0edgxrqb&amp;type=client&amp;tsoh=d3d3LnNjaWVuY2VkaXJlY3QuY29t&amp;rh=d3d3LnNjaWVuY2VkaXJlY3QuY29t&amp;ua=0b0b5e065600055f03&amp;rr=9d1bd8c28e09f8c8&amp;cc=in"> induced</a> to visit the scene of action. As explained above, this can include (but is not limited to) visiting historic sites and museums, immersing in cultural activities and buying merchandise.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;

A similar sensation took place in China last year too, when Ne Zha 2, - another animated film chronicling the adventures of the Chinese mythology figure - became the highest grossing film of 2025, beating many of its Hollywood counterparts. <a href="https://www.thetimes.com/static/china-animated-film-ne-zha-tourism-box-office/">Fans</a> rushed to visit the many sites portrayed in the film in Tianjin and Sichuan province, resulting in a 30% surge in visitor traffic. As a consequence, businesses in both provinces have incorporated the film&rsquo;s characters and cuisines in their menus and introduced several Ne Zha-themed experiential routes.&nbsp; Han Yuanjun, an associate researcher with the China Tourism Academy, states that Film-induced tourism is rapidly growing&nbsp; in China&rsquo;s travel industry and has been recognised to not only bring traffic to underrated travel destinations but also significantly enhance their brand values.&nbsp;

The success of Ne Zha 2 has proven that movies are now an essential part of the travel decision-making process and thus, following the film&rsquo;s catalytic success, China has launched the <a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2025-02-17/-China-Travel-with-Chinese-Films-initiative-launches-in-Beijing-1B4sUwom8KI/p.html">China Travel</a> with Chinese Films initiative, which aims to utilise the international success of&nbsp; its films with the recent visa-free transit policies to attract more overseas visitors to China. The initiative aims to simultaneously promote Chinese films and tourism, encouraging viewers to visit the sites portrayed in the film, thereby, converting the passive act of watching a film, to an active experience of travel and culture immersion.&nbsp;

The initiative aims to&nbsp; foster innovative collaboration between the film and tourism industries, to offer immersive experience on both movie culture and China&#39;s natural and cultural landscapes, effectively linking media exposure with consumer engagement.

While K-pop Demon Hunters was an American production, South Korea has taken the popularity of the film as an opportunity to<a href="https://www.mdpi.com/2071-1050/13/24/13805"> conquer</a> global markets and strengthen its authority internationally.&nbsp; For the past fifteen years, the country has treated movies and television shows as a part of its cultural policy framework. Even before the advent of streaming services, the government has <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/epub/10.1080/09548963.2019.1644801?needAccess=true">continuously</a> funded exports of Korean Dramas overseas, where the viewer is not only exposed to Korean storytelling, sites, culture and language, but also electronic, skincare and food products from Korean companies, which prompt viewers to buy their products. For example, after K-dramas gained popularity in India during the pandemic lockdown, <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4365651">Korean noodles</a> alone enjoyed a 162% increase in volume in 2020 and a 178% increase in 2021.

<a href="https://www.mdpi.com/2071-1050/13/24/13805">Entry barriers</a> in the cultural industries are much lower than in other sectors of the economy, but pop-culture receives more attention than the other more traditional industries and is more accessible and attractive,and thus, the South Korean and Chinese government, are utilising film and television shows as a principal part of their culture. It is seen as a key area for the government to invest in, develop and promote, as it fosters creativity, popularises local culture, enhances entrepreneurship, stimulates foreign trade and generates national income, and thus, is considered as a combination of industry,<a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09548963.2019.1644801"> business </a>and culture.&nbsp;

Culture, when treated as a resource, can be <a href="https://www.mdpi.com/2071-1050/13/24/13805">transformed</a> into capital that can play an important role in the strategy of sustainable development, at the local, national and international level. But most importantly, it strengthens and broadens the existing culture.&nbsp;

Closer home, Kerala launched the <a href="https://www.keralatourism.org/newsletter/news/2023/cinema-tourism/2171">&lsquo;Cinema Tourism Project&rsquo;</a> in 2023, which aims to use film-induced tourism and destination branding to attract tourists and production houses (with tax benefits and incentives). The Kerala State Film Development Corporation has also launched the <a href="https://variety.com/t/international-film-market-of-kerala/">International</a> Film Market of Kerala, which endeavours to connect regional filmmakers with global co-production and financing opportunities, intersecting business with culture. The Corporation is also working on a <a href="https://www.cppr.in/projects/draft-cine-policy-for-the-state-of-kerala">Cinema Policy</a> with the Centre for Public Policy Research, which strives to focus on skill development and <a href="https://www.newindianexpress.com/states/kerala/2025/Aug/05/movies-produced-under-government-scheme-have-won-acclaim-in-kerala">sustainable tourism</a> and social development within the framework of its policy.&nbsp;

In recent years, Indian films has seen success and popularity on the international stage with RRR winning an Oscar and a Golden Globe, All We Imagine as Light becoming the first Indian film to win the Grand Prix at the 2024 Cannes Film Festival, Kalki 2898 AD becoming the first Indian film to have an official reveal at the San Diego Comic-Con in 2023 and very recently, the Manipuri film Boong won a BAFTA, a first for India in its category. Our cultural policies need to utilise our film&#39;s successes to entice viewers, both domestic and foreign, to learn about and engage with the diverse culture of our country. Film production and distribution needs to go hand-in-hand with support for a more diverse range of stories, funding to participate and promote at national and international film festivals, development and promotion of cultural plazas and creative hubs, which would help integrate culture with innovation and business, so that both the economy and culture can grow alongside each other.&nbsp;

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