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Gender is engraved in International Relations where women&rsquo;s &lsquo;lived experience&rsquo; is bypassed within the international order. Terms such as sovereignty, power, nationalism, and fraternity have masculine connotations. This issue briefly examines the feminist epistemology that strives to eradicate this imbalance by asking who has the power to define knowledge and whose voices shape policy.<a href="https://iep.utm.edu/fem-epis/">Feminist epistemology</a> has influenced foreign policy in Sweden, Canada, and India by pivoting around women&rsquo;s rights and participation.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Epistemology is another lens through which feminism can be approached. State and Gender have a reciprocal relationship. Feminist <a href="https://www.impriindia.com/insights/can-feminist-foreign-policy-truly-transform-global-power-or-is-it-reproducing-the-same-old-inequalities-2/">foreign</a> policy attempts to redistribute epistemic power in global politics by treating women&rsquo;s perspectives as legitimate sources of knowledge. Yet, Sweden, Canada, and Germany reveal both the potential and limitations of this approach: while each has opened space for women&rsquo;s leadership and feminist frameworks, contradictions between rhetoric and practice demonstrate how entrenched interests and masculinist logics of International Relations constrain transformative change.&nbsp;

Sweden: Pioneer of Feminist Foreign Policy&nbsp;

Under the leadership of Foreign Minister<a href="https://www.icrw.org/publications/feminist-foreign-policy/"> Margot Wallstrom</a>, Sweden became the frontrunner in Feminist Foreign Policy in 2014. The Swedish framework encompasses &lsquo;the three Rs&rsquo;: women&rsquo;s Rights, backed with Resources and supporting increased female<a href="https://www.icrw.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/ICRW_DefiningFeministForeignPolicy_Brief_Revised_v5_WebReady.pdf"> representation</a>. This represents a&nbsp;

feminist epistemology that intrinsically values women&rsquo;s empowerment while shaping international politics. Sweden put Feminist Foreign Policy into practice in the domains of diplomacy, development, and security. At the United Nations, Sweden endorsed the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda and proposed a mediation process involving female negotiators. Embassies were instructed to integrate <a href="https://wiisglobal.org/resource_category/gender-mainstreaming/">gender analysis</a> into their programming, with diplomats trained to collect sex-disaggregated data and consult women&rsquo;s organisations in host countries. Development aid also reflected this lens, prioritising reproductive rights, education for girls, and support for survivors of gender-based violence.&nbsp;

Despite all its efforts, Sweden&rsquo;s Feminist Foreign Policy faced challenges. Firstly, its feminist approach and national interest led to a conflict, as Sweden&rsquo;s track record as a leading exporter of arms is often used to illustrate the inconsistencies embedded in its feminist foreign policy <a href="https://su.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1764652/FULLTEXT01.pdf">conduct</a>. Secondly, from a postcolonial perspective, the pro-gender state can act as a colonizing force pursuing a &lsquo;civilizing mission&rsquo; to bring gender equality to women in need of being &lsquo;<a href="https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11266145/">liberated</a>&rsquo;. Thirdly, the resources and funding allocated for the &ldquo;She Decides&rdquo; initiative implementing Feminist Foreign Policy have not been transparent to the public. Lastly, the new government surrendered all the FPP labels and initiatives, which shows how fragile the whole facade was.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Canada&rsquo;s Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP)&nbsp;

In June 2017, following Sweden, Canada looked at Feminist Foreign Policy through the&nbsp; Development Aid instead of a full spectrum. FIAP&rsquo;s central claim was that promoting gender equality is the most effective approach to eradicating poverty and building a more peaceful, inclusive, and prosperous<a href="https://www.international.gc.ca/world-monde/issues_development-enjeux_developpement/priorities-priorites/policy-politique.aspx?lang=eng"> world</a>. Thus, while Sweden emphasised equality as an intrinsic good, Canada framed it as an instrumental pathway toward development outcomes. The FIAP approached Feminist Foreign Policy through 6 priority areas, including Gender Equality, Human Dignity, Women&rsquo;s Economic Empowerment, Climate Action, Women&rsquo;s Political Participation, and Peace and Security. Canada also focused on getting direct consultation from women recipients in the design and implementation of projects.&nbsp;&nbsp;

But Canada faced a lot of implementation hurdles, including analysts arguing that FIAP risks reproducing a narrow, liberal feminism that excludes intersectional concerns such as Indigenous women&rsquo;s rights or LGBTQ+ <a href="https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7586002/">perspectives</a>. It also faced a lot of criticism because no funds were allocated to FIAP; thus, existing aid was supposed to be reallocated.&nbsp;

Lastly, Canada&rsquo;s arms deal with Saudi Arabia faced criticism as it demoted feminist values. This inconsistency raises doubts about whether feminist epistemology is genuinely mainstreamed or confined to the softer domain of development.

&nbsp;

From Equity to Deterrence: Germany&rsquo;s Feminist Foreign Policy&nbsp;&nbsp;

Under the Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock, Germany adopted a feminist foreign policy, leading to a transition in its diplomatic and security ties. It had some major successes, such as the institutionalisation of gender perspectives across policy initiatives, funding in women-led&nbsp;

civil organisations, foregrounding sexual and reproductive health and rights in development cooperation, and pushing the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda in multilateral forums. Germany also put weight on women&#39;s concerns in the EU and UN, signalling that gender equality is not a soft issue but central to peace and democracy.&nbsp;

Although the national implementations of FFP only partially realised feminist demands, the mere fact of official policy referencing feminism challenges traditional ways of thinking and political <a href="https://www.swp-berlin.org/10.18449/2022C48/">patterns</a>. This shows the use of the term &ldquo;feminism&rdquo; as a form of enhancing rhetoric, not to bring a transformational change in the activities of the sovereign nations. Germany further worked in the opposite direction of its FFP goals via its arms exports to conflict zones in the Ukraine-Russia War. Instead, geopolitical credibility and deterrence, or realist and masculinist concepts of security, were prioritised over feminist ideals of demilitarisation and human security. In addition, the policy was largely contained within the realm of diplomatic elites, providing little room for feminist voices from the Global South or intersectional approaches. This reveals a fundamental contradiction: Germany&rsquo;s FFP fights gender blindness in foreign policy but remains part of a state system that privileges power, dominance and militarisation, notions which are associated with masculinity.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Conclusion&nbsp;

Ultimately, the pursuit of feminist foreign policy is about epistemic justice; recognizing that knowledge about global politics does not reside in think tanks, generals, or diplomats, but also in the lived experiences of women, marginalized communities, and grassroots movements worldwide. The cases of Sweden, Germany, and Canada reinforce the belief, widely held

throughout the world by both men and women, that military and foreign policy are arenas of <a href="https://academic.oup.com/isr/article/27/1/viaf007/8109153">policy-making,</a> least appropriate for women. Strength, power, autonomy, independence, and rationality, all typically associated with men and masculinity, are characteristics we most value in those to whom we entrust the conduct of our foreign policy and the defence of our national interest. It further questions the policymaking process that is taken for the states, excluding the guidance, consultations, and participation of half the population.

Epistemology and Power: Critique of Feminist Foreign Policy 

Telangana was formed as the 29th state of India in 2014. Since then it has emerged as one of the <a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/hyderabad/telanganas-pci-reaches-rs-4-18-lakh-vision-2047-targets-3tn-economy-says-governor/articleshow/129617283.cms">fastest-growing</a> states in India. Currently its per capita income is the highest among the major states. The state has recently presented its ambitious budget of USD 39 billion for the financial year (FY)&nbsp; 2026-27 which is the first budget since the unveiling of the long term vision of <a href="https://telanganarising2047.org/">&nbsp;&ldquo;Rising Telangana 2047&rdquo;</a>. The strategy envisions making Telangana a<a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/hyderabad/telanganas-3-trillion-dream-3-pillars-to-power-a-2047-leap/articleshow/129708004.cms"> $3 trillion</a> economy. This ambitious target is highly vulnerable to high fiscal stress, debt-fueled low quality irrigation projects and stark regional inequality.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Telangana&rsquo;s State Gross Domestic Product (SGDP) at the time of its formation was USD 61 billion which has grown nominally at the compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 12.9% to USD 215 billion in 2026. Its per capita income at USD 5,000 is nearly double of the national average. The <a href="https://www.deccanherald.com/business/telangana-it-exports-hit-rs-313-lakh-crore-amid-services-sector-surge-3939905">service sector </a>contributes about 65% of its GDP,&nbsp; mainly due to the Hyderabad region which dominates nationally in information technology and related services. Agriculture has also grown at 11-12% per year which is about three times the national average, due to the state&#39;s heavy investment in irrigation projects and direct benefit transfers to farmers.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

The state budget for FY 2026-27 is pivoting towards capital expenditure of <a href="https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2221455&amp;reg=3&amp;lang=2">USD 5.7 billion</a> which is 14.5% of its annual budget. Similarly, budgetary allocation to rural development, agriculture and irrigation is cumulatively around 25% (USD 9.5 billion) of budget expenditure, which is significantly higher than some of the major states. Most importantly, Telangana has focused on building irrigation infrastructure that has helped the state agriculture sector quadruple since 2014. However, the state has historically underinvested in its health and education sectors, which are fundamental to build human capital. Even In this budget,the combined expenditure on health and education is only around USD 5 billion or 12.80% of the total budget.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

The budget has operationalized the &ldquo;Rising Telangana 2047&rdquo; by formalizing the Core Urban Region Economy-Peri Urban Region Economy-Rural Agri Region Economy <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/telangana/telangana-rising-2047-cm-favours-separate-plans-for-core-urban-peri-urban-and-rural-agro-economies-in-the-vision-document/article70331600.ece">(CURE-PURE-RARE) model</a>, for which it has allocated around USD 11.7 billion or 33% of the budget expenditure. Under the model, CURE economic region will primarily fall within the periphery of the Outer Ring Road (ORR) and will be a knowledge-driven service economy. The PURE economic region will fall between the ORR and Regional Ring Road (RRR) which will be an advanced manufacturing based economy. Beyond RRR, an agriculture-driven economy will form the RARE zone. To reach USD 1.20 trillion by 2034 and eventually to USD 3 trillion by 2047 the state is banking heavily on future technologies with a 30,000 acre Bharat Future City, Genomics Valley, EV and advanced manufacturing in the PURE economic region.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Anchoring the economy on future technology requires massive investment, but the state&rsquo;s capacity to invest in infrastructure development is constrained by the ghost of its past irrigation development expenditures. To fund these irrigation projects the state relied on off balance sheet borrowing on the books of state corporations. These borrowings are to the tune of USD 14-15 billion, out of which&nbsp; USD 10.5 billion was borrowed only for the Kaleshwaram Irrigation Project. These off balance sheet borrowings did not show in the official state borrowings; when included, total borrowing by the state breaches the limit set by the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRBM), <a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/economy/policy/borrowings-by-telangana-exceeded-frbm-mandated-limit-alleges-sitharaman/articleshow/93945871.cms?from=mdr">2003 at 36%</a>.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

This leads to interest payments of around USD 3 billion which are nearly 8-9% of the state revenue receipt. In fact, committed expenditure is about 75% of the state&#39;s revenue. With this high committed expenditure, very little is left for strategic capital expenditure from the revenue receipt. At the time of state formation, Telangana was&nbsp; a rare revenue surplus state but over the years it has become a revenue deficit state with FY 2025-26 estimated revenue deficit nearly at USD 1.5 billion or&nbsp; 0.7% of GDP.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Another major criticism of the Tenanaga development model is that it is highly <a href="https://www.epw.in/journal/2014/37/reports-states-web-exclusives/skewed-urban-development-telangana.html">skewed</a> towards the Hyderabad region. This region contributes around 54% of its SGDP. In per capita income terms Rangareddy is one of the highest per capita income districts in the country at USD 13,800; in contrast, Vikarabad&rsquo;s per capita income is just USD 2,400.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

The state may also lack the capacity to plan and execute large infrastructure projects: for example, the Kaleshwaram Irrigation Project, the world&rsquo;s largest multi-channel lift irrigation system, is non-operational due to structural issues.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

In short, Telangana has been a successful state in economic terms, but its success has mainly been driven by the Hyderabad region and the state has accumulated a huge debt to fund non-operational irrigation projects. To achieve USD 3 trillion of SGDP by 2047 it needs to abandon the mindset of &ldquo;prestige projects&rdquo; in favour of tight fiscal discipline, a more decentralized development model, and higher investment in health and education without which achieving a knowledge-driven inclusive economy is not possible.&nbsp;

Telangana’s 2026-27 Budget: Balancing the 2047 Vision with Debt and Disparity

India is being hailed by everyone, as the shining example of digital revival. The key to this transformation is the <a href="https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/how-indias-upi-is-revolutionising-global-digital-payments-explained-simply-8948876">Unified Payments Interface (UPI)</a> that has reached a record volume of over 640 million transactions each day and contributed to more than half of the real-time digital payments globally. UPI is not merely a payment system, it is a tool of <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/en/economy/article/2024/03/03/india-s-upi-mobile-payment-system-a-soft-power-tool_6581530_19.html">soft power</a>, which redistributes global perceptions of the technological leadership of India.&nbsp;

India should be a digital architect and export its ideologies and not just the platforms of openness, equity and interoperability through projects like <a href="https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/beyond-just-looking-the-india-stack-upi-and-global-economic-transformation">India Stack</a>, <a href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/india-s-plan-world-without-cash">Operation Rupee Global</a> and the Digital Rupee. With the world going towards a model of cashless future, the Indian model provides an excellent option to proprietary systems. India is no longer asking whether it can now lead, but how it is going to shape that leadership.&nbsp;

What would happen to the future of global finance, if instead of Silicon Valley or Beijing, New Delhi took the lead? The Indian digital ecosystem based on UPI and India Stack has already started to transform the lives back in India. It is now ready to transform world standards. The aim of this blog is to understand that technology should be used to support society and not just markets. As a policymaker, entrepreneur, or student, learning lessons in ethics, scale, and innovation, the digital journey in India has a number of experiences to take. No matter what you think of India, this is not only India-related, this is a global call to action on the future of tech diplomacy.

India&rsquo;s Digital Infrastructure as a Global Model

UPI and the Power of Interoperability

<a href="https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/how-indias-upi-is-revolutionising-global-digital-payments-explained-simply-8948876">UPI</a> has revolutionized digital payments, there are no fees to pay, transactions will be in real-time and is so easy to integrate with hundreds of other banks. UPI is an open architecture that promotes inclusion and trustfulness. The fact that it has expanded to France, Singapore, UAE and few other countries indicate a change: Indian tech can scale, but it can export it, as well.

India Stack and Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI)

The <a href="https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/beyond-just-looking-the-india-stack-upi-and-global-economic-transformation">India Stack</a> is a stackable DPI framework that includes Aadhaar (identity), UPI (payments) and DEPA (data governance) building power of exits. It is interoperable, nonproprietary, and replicable. India can serve as an example of a country that modernizes an outdated system in a bottom-up style, which is based on the priorities of being more accessible, transparent, and innovative.

&nbsp;

Financial Inclusion and Sovereignty

India has brought under the banking net more than 500 million people, usually females, with programs such as Jan Dhan Yojana. NIPL is also aiding other nations to make their own systems using <a href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/india-s-plan-world-without-cash">Operation Rupee Global</a>. The fact that UPI can bypass SWIFT to allow even transactions with countries that are sanctioned, like Russia, means a change of financial abilities in the world. In the event of success, India would become an independent player in international finance.

Digital Diplomacy and India&rsquo;s Soft Power Strategy

Tech as a Tool of Global Influence

India is also using it as a tool of diplomacy. At that, it seems that UPI has evolved to become a kind of soft power deployed by Indian tourists abroad or absorbed into other economies. NPCI and RBI are hoping to scale UPI in 20 countries by 2028-29 through the operation rupee global. Such growth would put India in a significant global financial position particularly as UPI will facilitate transactions beyond the SWIFT environment.

Digital Rupee and Currency Diplomacy

India&rsquo;s<a href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/india-s-plan-world-without-cash"> Digital Rupee</a>, launched in pilot form in 2022, is integrated with UPI and designed for cross-border payments. It peaked at one million daily retail transactions in December 2023, though adoption has since slowed. Still, its potential to support sovereign digital finance and challenge dollar dominance is immense. As<a href="https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/india-s-plan-world-without-cash"> Lowy Institute</a> reports, UPI is being internationalized through NPCI&rsquo;s Operation Rupee Global. By co-developing infrastructure with partner nations, India offers an alternative to tech colonization, one rooted in collaboration and shared growth.

Youth as Architects of India&rsquo;s Digital Future

The biggest asset India has to boast of is not only its technology but its people. India has produced young generation entrepreneurs. Most of them have advanced to lead the global tech ecosystems. The attention now has to turn inward. Domestic investment in innovation, research, and Digital Product Infrastructure would help the country to have their youths to be architects of sovereign solutions. It is not only their task to write the code, but to organize, to design and to shape the future of digital diplomacy.

India has been on a digital trip that can teach a lesson in scale, ethical practices and innovation. To actually lead however, it has to shift towards being proactive in its strategy instead of being reactive in terms of it attaining success. Few suggestions in terms of policy developments are here:

1. Regulate Digital Diplomacy: The practice of tech exports should become a subject of formal rules tailored to foreign policy, making sure to focus on ethical conduct and inclusive designs.&nbsp;

2. Expand Global Partnerships: Overseas breakthroughs should be followed by efforts to create global partnerships to build infrastructures with rather than export infrastructures to developing countries.&nbsp;

3. Make Young People Digital Ambassadors: Start of a fellowship program and digital incubators so that students and startups can promote the Indian approach to technology to the world.&nbsp;

4. Invest in Frontier Technologies: India will have to ramp up the research and development of emerging tech such as artificial intelligence, quantum computing, green technology and space technology.&nbsp;&nbsp;

India&#39;s digital journey is more than a success story, it is a blueprint for the world. From the interoperability of UPI to the inclusive architecture of India Stack, India has demonstrated that technology can be both powerful and equitable. But the real test of leadership lies not in what has been built, but in what is shared. As the global order searches for alternatives to tech monopolies and dollar-dominated finance, India stands at a rare inflection point: to move from being a participant in the global digital economy to becoming its architect. This demands more than infrastructure, it demands vision, values, and the political will to champion a model where innovation serves humanity, not just profit. The code has been written. The systems are live. Now, India must lead with purpose, not just in pixels and payments, but in principles.

India’s Digital Diplomacy: From UPI to Global Tech Sovereignty

&nbsp;&ldquo;Mama, it&rsquo;s over. Leave me here, and you run away.&rdquo; Cried a girl of 14&nbsp;with cerebral palsy. She had lost her assistive device in a military attack in north <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/05/gaza-palestinians-disabilities-fear-being-killed-first-says-un-committee">Gaza</a>. Her parents were helping her flee from the c<a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/05/gaza-palestinians-disabilities-fear-being-killed-first-says-un-committee">onflict area</a>. Such chilling accounts of attack and separations have been reported from Gaza. However, this is not just a story of Gaza. Conflicts all around affect communities unequally. Often, persons with disabilities (PwD) are more affected in conflict areas as accessible infrastructure and aid are unavailable.

The &ldquo;United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities&quot; (UNCRPD) is a revolutionary multilateral human rights treaty, focusing on making the world more accessible. Yet, the dialogue on accessibility stays missing during conflicts. The United Nations General Assembly adopted the UNCRPD in December 2006. With 50 articles, the UNCRPD&nbsp;aims to recognize international standards for the entitled human rights of PwD. It addresses conflict situations, as outlined in Article 11, which requires parties to guarantee the protection and safety of PwD in situations of risk, including armed conflicts and humanitarian <a href="https://brill.com/view/journals/yido/4/1/article-p432_20.xml">emergencies.</a> It is imperative to ask the question of how prepared the world is to support disabilities in crises and examine any measures that have been undertaken to address this gap. Many countries are signatories of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities&quot;, including India.

While many countries have expressed humanitarian aid and support. There is no or limited mention of assistive aid. Over the years, the Leahy war victim&rsquo;s funds have helped many conflict-ridden countries with a special focus on providing rehabilitation, mobility aids, and prosthetic devices. This has been very helpful in empowering PwD in countries like<a href="https://www.vnah-hev.org/news/a-tribute-from-us-senator-patrick-leahy/"> </a><a href="https://www.vnah-hev.org/news/a-tribute-from-us-senator-patrick-leahy/">Vietnam.</a> In the past, the US has provided treatment for child amputees in the<a href="https://www.smry.ai/proxy?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.theguardian.com%2Fworld%2Fng-interactive%2F2025%2Fmar%2F27%2Fgaza-palestine-children-injuries%3Futm_source%3Dchatgpt.com"> </a><a href="https://www.smry.ai/proxy?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.theguardian.com%2Fworld%2Fng-interactive%2F2025%2Fmar%2F27%2Fgaza-palestine-children-injuries%3Futm_source%3Dchatgpt.com">Gaza war.</a> However, with the suspension of<a href="https://www.state.gov/implementing-the-presidents-executive-order-on-reevaluating-and-realigning-united-states-foreign-aid"> USAID</a>, the continuity of this fund also hangs by a thread. Poland has also worked towards advocating for PwD affected in the Ukraine war. In 2024, the Warsaw Declaration was changed to highlight that&nbsp; the rights and needs of PwDs must be upheld by policymakers an<a href="https://www.edf-feph.org/new-declaration-disability-inclusive-recovery-and-reconstruction-of-ukraine/">d donors</a>. Poland also initiated the UN Security Council resolution (2019) on protection of PwD in armed conflicts, thereby tuning it in with the UNCRPD. Apart from countries, many international organizations such as UNICEF, Red Cross have also aided.

Despite the efforts made by countries and international organizations, the aid has not been able to reach the target population. We&nbsp;still hear gut-wrenching stories coming from worn-torn regions in the world. The United Nations Committee for PwD noted that in Gaza there is a&nbsp; disproportionate impact on PwD,as access to medical support and essential goods has been cut off, and access to humanitarian assistance is<a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/05/gaza-palestinians-disabilities-fear-being-killed-first-says-un-committee"> </a><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/05/gaza-palestinians-disabilities-fear-being-killed-first-says-un-committee">non-existent.</a> While there is limited data and reportage on the difficulties that PwD&rsquo;s face in conflict Zones. This statement in itself proves the failure of policies in place to support humanity.

According to the Global Peace Index,2025;&nbsp;over 122 million people are now uprooted. In 17 countries around five per cent or more of the population are either refugees or have been internally<a href="https://www.visionofhumanity.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Global-Peace-Index-2025-web.pdf"> </a><a href="https://www.visionofhumanity.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Global-Peace-Index-2025-web.pdf">displaced</a>.&nbsp; Research in Cameroon focused on how PwDs lost not only their livelihoods but also accessible homes. When they were looted by the<a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/06/08/persons-disabilities-context-armed-conflict"> </a><a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/06/08/persons-disabilities-context-armed-conflict">security forces.</a> In such cases, fleeing from home becomes a task as accessible infrastructure is the first to get hampered, making PwD more vulnerable. In North East Nigeria&rsquo;s Borno state, we see the collapse of the government policies to protect the marginalized. Interestingly, the citizens-led strategies have helped the PwD&rsquo;s and elderly to<a href="https://civiliansinconflict.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Nigeria-PWD.pdf"> survive</a>. This is a result of government strategies being exclusive and only accessible to a select few.&nbsp;

Conflicts, more than physically threatening citizens, scar them mentally. <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0160252716302436">UNCRPD</a> does include a degree of mental health as a disability.&nbsp; Afghanistan is a place that has been riddled with violence for over 40 years. Many people suffer from mental health issues such as PTSD. Regardless of this, international donors have focused their attention more on physical<a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/10/07/afghanistans-silent-mental-health-crisis"> </a><a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/10/07/afghanistans-silent-mental-health-crisis">health</a>. While it is important to rebuild health infrastructure, it is equally important to fund programs for mental health aid. As it helps with the stability-building of a society. Frequent displacement, exposure to conflict, and lack of education also make situations worse for<a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/06/08/persons-disabilities-context-armed-conflict#_ftn33"> </a><a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/06/08/persons-disabilities-context-armed-conflict#_ftn33">children</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Accessing basic amenities during&nbsp;unrest is difficult for everybody, but the situation worsens for people with disabilities for whom many areas are inaccessible. There is very little information available on the condition and the lives that people with disabilities live in such tumultuous areas. A lot of times, the refugee camps also lack accessibility for basic needs, making PwD&rsquo;s all the more dependent on others for their survival. It is imperative for the governments and organizations around the world to conduct more research for PwD&rsquo;s and their difficulties during conflict. The focus should be on the grassroot level to equip communities and societies to be first responders in crisis situations. Countries with better accessible infrastructure should share and help build sustainable infrastructure in conflict and disaster-prone countries. From the currently available information, it becomes difficult to understand the true hardships faced by many PwD&rsquo;s. It is necessary to Involve PwD in preparing response plans, in order for them to be effective. There is little to no information available about the troubles people with invisible disabilities such as autism, ADHD face in conflicts. Making it imperative to beg the question: how prepared the world is to support disabilities in crises.

Global cooperation is an important step towards creating an inclusive and sustainable world. Through effective foreign policy, we can focus on building a safer world for all. PwD&rsquo;s in conflict areas are often doubly marginalized. They don&rsquo;t just belong to the displaced communities but also try to survive in a world that isn&rsquo;t built for them. It is important&nbsp;that the world works together in upholding the UNCRPD.&nbsp;

Intersecting Vulnerabilities: Conflict Amplifies Disability Exclusion

At the recent launch of UNESCO&rsquo;s Global Report: <a href="https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000397330?posInSet=1&amp;queryId=53c2be71-1cd7-4fa4-a98e-1ebfc525fcee">Re|Shaping Policies for Creativity</a>, Ms. Ekaterina Travkina , Coordinator for Culture, Creative Industries and Global Events at the OECD, highlighted that Culture is now recognized across all ministries as an <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/posts/karalyn-monteil_culture-is-now-recognized-across-all-ministries-activity-7429833112701919232-pDuH?utm_source=social_share_send&amp;utm_medium=member_desktop_web&amp;rcm=ACoAAC7SArYB_w0Q7CTOOmbALwLgPQvsOJPVfz0">economic</a> sector. Diana Crane too, reiterates this statement in her article for the International Journal of <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/epdf/10.1080/10286632.2013.832233?needAccess=true">Cultural Policy</a> - Cultural Policy is an important element of globalisation. This is particularly true of cultural products such as films and television shows. Culture travels and so do movies, and the ones which find success outside of their country of origin, often serve as a gateway to be acquainted with, explore and learn about a new culture.&nbsp;

As a collaborative art form, films can blend customs, language, clothes, food effortlessly within the story, which can introduce viewers to a more multifaceted view of the place it is portraying. For example, last year&rsquo;s surprise hit, Netflix&rsquo;s K-pop Demon Hunters - an animated film which revolved around K-pop singers who moonlighted as demon-slayers - introduced viewers to Korean culture, songs, food, mythology and distinct entertainment practices such as music banks and fansigns. Within 2 months of its release, the movie caused an exponential<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O-_2dRLk210&amp;t=1s"> increase</a> in bookings and spending by foreign tourists, with many eager to explore the cultural aspects portrayed in the film, such as wearing the traditional Korean dress, Hanbok, visiting a jjimjilbang (Korean Sauna), trying authentic Korean food such as seolleongtang (beef bone soup), eomukguk (fishcake soup) and sundae (blood sausage), and taking K-pop dance classes and visiting concerts.&nbsp;

This phenomenon is described as &lsquo;Film-induced tourism&rsquo;, a distinct branch of tourism, where fans wish to visit and experience the <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/345320245_The_unexploited_potential's_causes_and_possible_solutions_in_the_Hungarian_film_tourism">popular locations</a> where the film was shot. Through movies, viewers can establish, <a href="https://almatourism.unibo.it/article/view/4952/4721">recognise</a> and form an emotional attachment towards the cities, sights, sounds and flavours they portray, which results in economic benefits from large visitor numbers and a free and far-reaching publicity of the local culture. They can introduce and enhance the audience&rsquo;s awareness of the place and culture and when the audience gains a strong, emotional attachment to this cinematic landscape, they might be<a href="https://pdf.sciencedirectassets.com/271716/1-s2.0-S0261517712X00037/1-s2.0-S0261517712000404/main.pdf?X-Amz-Security-Token=IQoJb3JpZ2luX2VjEPX%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2FwEaCXVzLWVhc3QtMSJHMEUCIQCJpjcbW5YOjcevT3r2LrkMOt3y%2FlqSoBrHW2UfpG7ZrQIgXFaZYPeLQrOuDO5DIMleHXHSqxwg8ubl6cRRB0AwTJ0qvAUIvf%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2FARAFGgwwNTkwMDM1NDY4NjUiDK8vjF0rBeeuE2KzWSqQBUEQFcItltGQVdfFLMTA67Q6%2BtrJMY2ycPtYxbLUbUOggG%2FtzlV9yOrja7GE7zfvCLtJeS64JXD1uurKHg3HtK7x2YxGv1%2FN0ItlvX0K%2FkARKuNI0lA90UkysL4pkRbB1zVNlBIH7R8aXZFasp9%2BPyXRc7QP9tOji8%2FUtj2aZAzU3jUeI0wgewJYeh2tJ0s00DxI9uDK7F1XyMgeFuL9bm1SNIxV5%2Fex8ryk2Ne7JmwG7SqzBQ2PXGNI%2BO0XJ%2FZ1rB1NF9pPnhlnmaDYEDL91VdJdo1OtyUmnUwo4Sm4Fwy5vhTfy%2BBy1R%2B0o1%2FvK6%2BxWnZAwokFlPeH%2BofTd6JW2LAwFQFRIaC1iUqCOqkOa1C7Pj%2BEoRscFAo7k%2Fk2AWyx4eS%2Bht5jSH%2FboCE%2FtNt5B2lPinyWL3f7CSKat9c8nGGod5Ou%2BlujZjTMvyzgc%2B1PoWH8DYEQdsHU%2Bi6Rtvg9LjPy2WJyZGWRm23%2Fzn7Cj30gb21BR0xWY%2FE%2FXerJ4vGNFIWVn5EaZYQGAnMc6GD2mjoW2Ej5trgcIjVsNqW1%2FYBgosLF4e8V7J2G%2BdHbazJ6xDPbAyZm1CHLdQSNH7Ch1bLunJKRiKaBIKUFni%2BNiTv8cyQLlBLd9snRDeVkeXS8R7Lw%2BmHfqvTV7WL7NcZJt9rCD8Y%2B6bTiRtQCJWpGL028LAfY4N0c3DEKWLuNcpyERM5K7IwMpjCf9Cf4%2FQ%2FTu4Ti4dBUDdBb%2BNxoK0fz9cMDiJSE56V1rxNvhlPMUIMqV2L9res1eTUDs9%2FBqaqbdR21HFSJ%2Bv4yPpFP5%2BuhjhXBw6I%2FvUYoAi7iDejomTvYGolFpFRS4FqtVX2tJNgs2MvoiY%2FnVhAOgy0SHhdeBrXxMNiF6swGOrEBJ5APMDZwdYRCQmI7CIIsYxPBMdjF4zMkppNz4yEgwem5JpLvicLDvoNRs08%2F54jh53wMRWu4RC2PrKeMC4yb5ILdlrQX7LzlFMz6VUKgPS6eeePwhstli7jTPW7ssJXtpJJ3v1PnrF50gZVy8a%2FBQwHfdGHF9e8WrNvo4mJZpsRJv7t9xqqGu088wiVJMmxt08hYlRDI9bp%2FGt3lBxkKsr2qwmajwvukmxUPzuGO%2FLwI&amp;X-Amz-Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&amp;X-Amz-Date=20260222T044740Z&amp;X-Amz-SignedHeaders=host&amp;X-Amz-Expires=300&amp;X-Amz-Credential=ASIAQ3PHCVTYV4BI3BPA%2F20260222%2Fus-east-1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&amp;X-Amz-Signature=ccff8118ec9016084d174db3372a2d1d221a30572ffc72d6dd776dd7118fd054&amp;hash=fbe057cf869cb8e428c6015875a7773382574f168417f8fc0457bacbf7790ae8&amp;host=68042c943591013ac2b2430a89b270f6af2c76d8dfd086a07176afe7c76c2c61&amp;pii=S0261517712000404&amp;tid=spdf-cf3d5a26-4c34-44e2-a95c-bf096978ffda&amp;sid=1019532c64364241711a6e305983a72cc0edgxrqb&amp;type=client&amp;tsoh=d3d3LnNjaWVuY2VkaXJlY3QuY29t&amp;rh=d3d3LnNjaWVuY2VkaXJlY3QuY29t&amp;ua=0b0b5e065600055f03&amp;rr=9d1bd8c28e09f8c8&amp;cc=in"> induced</a> to visit the scene of action. As explained above, this can include (but is not limited to) visiting historic sites and museums, immersing in cultural activities and buying merchandise.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;

A similar sensation took place in China last year too, when Ne Zha 2, - another animated film chronicling the adventures of the Chinese mythology figure - became the highest grossing film of 2025, beating many of its Hollywood counterparts. <a href="https://www.thetimes.com/static/china-animated-film-ne-zha-tourism-box-office/">Fans</a> rushed to visit the many sites portrayed in the film in Tianjin and Sichuan province, resulting in a 30% surge in visitor traffic. As a consequence, businesses in both provinces have incorporated the film&rsquo;s characters and cuisines in their menus and introduced several Ne Zha-themed experiential routes.&nbsp; Han Yuanjun, an associate researcher with the China Tourism Academy, states that Film-induced tourism is rapidly growing&nbsp; in China&rsquo;s travel industry and has been recognised to not only bring traffic to underrated travel destinations but also significantly enhance their brand values.&nbsp;

The success of Ne Zha 2 has proven that movies are now an essential part of the travel decision-making process and thus, following the film&rsquo;s catalytic success, China has launched the <a href="https://news.cgtn.com/news/2025-02-17/-China-Travel-with-Chinese-Films-initiative-launches-in-Beijing-1B4sUwom8KI/p.html">China Travel</a> with Chinese Films initiative, which aims to utilise the international success of&nbsp; its films with the recent visa-free transit policies to attract more overseas visitors to China. The initiative aims to simultaneously promote Chinese films and tourism, encouraging viewers to visit the sites portrayed in the film, thereby, converting the passive act of watching a film, to an active experience of travel and culture immersion.&nbsp;

The initiative aims to&nbsp; foster innovative collaboration between the film and tourism industries, to offer immersive experience on both movie culture and China&#39;s natural and cultural landscapes, effectively linking media exposure with consumer engagement.

While K-pop Demon Hunters was an American production, South Korea has taken the popularity of the film as an opportunity to<a href="https://www.mdpi.com/2071-1050/13/24/13805"> conquer</a> global markets and strengthen its authority internationally.&nbsp; For the past fifteen years, the country has treated movies and television shows as a part of its cultural policy framework. Even before the advent of streaming services, the government has <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/epub/10.1080/09548963.2019.1644801?needAccess=true">continuously</a> funded exports of Korean Dramas overseas, where the viewer is not only exposed to Korean storytelling, sites, culture and language, but also electronic, skincare and food products from Korean companies, which prompt viewers to buy their products. For example, after K-dramas gained popularity in India during the pandemic lockdown, <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4365651">Korean noodles</a> alone enjoyed a 162% increase in volume in 2020 and a 178% increase in 2021.

<a href="https://www.mdpi.com/2071-1050/13/24/13805">Entry barriers</a> in the cultural industries are much lower than in other sectors of the economy, but pop-culture receives more attention than the other more traditional industries and is more accessible and attractive,and thus, the South Korean and Chinese government, are utilising film and television shows as a principal part of their culture. It is seen as a key area for the government to invest in, develop and promote, as it fosters creativity, popularises local culture, enhances entrepreneurship, stimulates foreign trade and generates national income, and thus, is considered as a combination of industry,<a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09548963.2019.1644801"> business </a>and culture.&nbsp;

Culture, when treated as a resource, can be <a href="https://www.mdpi.com/2071-1050/13/24/13805">transformed</a> into capital that can play an important role in the strategy of sustainable development, at the local, national and international level. But most importantly, it strengthens and broadens the existing culture.&nbsp;

Closer home, Kerala launched the <a href="https://www.keralatourism.org/newsletter/news/2023/cinema-tourism/2171">&lsquo;Cinema Tourism Project&rsquo;</a> in 2023, which aims to use film-induced tourism and destination branding to attract tourists and production houses (with tax benefits and incentives). The Kerala State Film Development Corporation has also launched the <a href="https://variety.com/t/international-film-market-of-kerala/">International</a> Film Market of Kerala, which endeavours to connect regional filmmakers with global co-production and financing opportunities, intersecting business with culture. The Corporation is also working on a <a href="https://www.cppr.in/projects/draft-cine-policy-for-the-state-of-kerala">Cinema Policy</a> with the Centre for Public Policy Research, which strives to focus on skill development and <a href="https://www.newindianexpress.com/states/kerala/2025/Aug/05/movies-produced-under-government-scheme-have-won-acclaim-in-kerala">sustainable tourism</a> and social development within the framework of its policy.&nbsp;

In recent years, Indian films has seen success and popularity on the international stage with RRR winning an Oscar and a Golden Globe, All We Imagine as Light becoming the first Indian film to win the Grand Prix at the 2024 Cannes Film Festival, Kalki 2898 AD becoming the first Indian film to have an official reveal at the San Diego Comic-Con in 2023 and very recently, the Manipuri film Boong won a BAFTA, a first for India in its category. Our cultural policies need to utilise our film&#39;s successes to entice viewers, both domestic and foreign, to learn about and engage with the diverse culture of our country. Film production and distribution needs to go hand-in-hand with support for a more diverse range of stories, funding to participate and promote at national and international film festivals, development and promotion of cultural plazas and creative hubs, which would help integrate culture with innovation and business, so that both the economy and culture can grow alongside each other.&nbsp;

Film-Induced Tourism and the New Cultural Economy

The shift in terminology from Asia-Pacific to the Indo-Pacific became an important transition as it brought the Indian subcontinent into the Asian narrative. Close to two decades since Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe&rsquo;s &lsquo;confluence of the two seas&rsquo; <a href="https://www.mofa.go.jp/region/asia-paci/pmv0708/speech-2.html">speech</a>, how does India engage with the countries of the Indo-Pacific? Has there been any evolution in India&rsquo;s engagement with the Indo-Pacific? The Indo-Pacific strategies of the US, EU and Japan refer to engaging with India, but what does India seek in its engagement with the Indo-Pacific countries?&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

Perennially cautious of the &lsquo;West&rsquo;, India has been prudent in its rendezvous with the European Union and the United States of America.&nbsp; While being a member of the QUAD, the term &lsquo;alliance&rsquo; has often been used to explain the minilateral grouping. However, statements by US officials such as Kurt Campbell <a href="https://www.nationaldefensemagazine.org/articles/2024/6/24/us-must-prioritize-alliances-to-keep-indo-pacific-secure-official-says">distinguish</a> between the AUKUS (Australia, UK and the US) as an alliance whereas the QUAD or the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue is referred to as an Indo-Pacific partnership. In this distinction is the understanding that while India is an important country that the Trans-Atlantic powers cannot choose to ignore and are willing to engage, there is a difference in how security threats are understood by the Alliance members vis-&agrave;-vis the Indian state.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

While trade and defence deals with many in the G7 have increased, India has ensured that it engages with other states in the Indo-Pacific on reciprocal terms. Most recently, Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri <a href="https://www.mea.gov.in/press-releases.htm?dtl/40589/Foreign_Secretary_meets_Vice_Minister_of_International_Department_of_Communist_Party_of_China_Ms_Sun_Haiyan">met</a> with Sun Haiyan, Vice Minister of the International Department of the Communist Party of China (IDCPC), who was on a visit to India from 12-14 January 2026. This has been parallel to the China Communist Party team <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/chinese-communist-party-delegation-to-meet-rss-leaders-in-delhi/article70502498.ece">meeting</a> BJP leaders as well as an RSS delegation during its visit to India. These meetings come after thaw in India-China ties in 2024 and the meetings <a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjbzhd/202508/t20250820_11692676.html#:~:text=Both%20sides%20agreed%20to%20uphold,the%20interest%20of%20developing%20countries.">between</a> the foreign ministers of the two states, with resumption of the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra and the reinstatement of direct flights between the two countries.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

India&rsquo;s engagement in South East Asia, specifically the ASEAN states has been at the collective and individual state level. Keeping ASEAN centrality as its focus, India&rsquo;s bilateral engagement with Singapore or Vietnam has been one of continuous understanding on the requirements of the states involved. The recent <a href="https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2163890&amp;reg=3&amp;lang=2">visit</a> by PM Wong of Singapore in September 2025 focused on, among other things, joint collaboration in the space sector, a strategically important area for India. It also focussed on defence and security cooperation at all levels. 
&nbsp;

India is often touted as a state that refuses to commit to a group and engages with all while pledging to none. It has been more willing to participate in groupings such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), be a Net Security Provider to smaller states in the Indian Ocean and engage with different countries that are part of the Indo-Pacific. The Indo-Pacific becoming a category has assisted India&rsquo;s relations with the Indo-Pacific states, deepened multiple groupings in the region and given India space to be a part of the Asian narrative. The change in terminology from the Asia-Pacific to the Indo-Pacific, thus, provides impetus for India to be more involved in the affairs that may have a direct impact on India and its neighbourhood.

Finding India in the Indo-Pacific

In 2022, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned <a href="https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep410/usrep410113/usrep410113.pdf">Roe v. Wade</a> through the <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/19-1392_6j37.pdf">Dobbs v. Jackson Women&rsquo;s Health Organisation</a> ruling. Roe had guaranteed abortion rights for half a century. Its reversal fractured the legal landscape: whether a woman can access care now depends less on medicine than her <a href="https://irs.treasury.gov/rpo/zip_help_popup.html#:~:text=A%205%2Ddigit%20number%20that,area%20in%20the%20United%20States.">ZIP code</a>.

The consequences have been disastrous. In Texas, <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-65935189">Amanda Zurawski</a> nearly died when doctors delayed treating her failing pregnancy until she developed sepsis. In Missouri, clinicians hesitated to treat miscarriages for fear of prosecution. <a href="https://abcnews.go.com/US/delayed-denied-women-pushed-deaths-door-abortion-care/story?id=105563255">ABC Reports</a> show that women were denied timely care until their lives were endangered. Adriana&rsquo;s ordeal sits within this continuum, proof that when law creates ambiguity, families pay the price.

India should take note. The <a href="https://mohfw.gov.in/sites/default/files/MTP%20Amendment%20Act%202021.pdf">Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act of 1971</a> is far more progressive than America&rsquo;s patchwork. But rights on paper can be hollow if systems falter.

 
Fertility and Family Support 
Supporters of abortion restrictions in the U.S. argue that they will raise birth rates. Yet evidence shows the opposite. <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/pdfs/journals/lancet/PIIS0140-6736%2824%2900550-6.pdf">The Lancet</a> finds that fertility rises when states provide affordable childcare, reliable healthcare, and workplace support. The <a href="https://www.oecd.org/en/publications/society-at-a-glance-2024_918d8db3-en/full-report/fertility-trends-across-the-oecd-underlying-drivers-and-the-role-for-policy_770679b8.html">OECD</a> echoes this: countries with strong social safety nets sustain higher birth rates, not those restricting rights.

This insight matters deeply for India. <a href="https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/indias-total-fertility-rate-drops-from-2-2-to-2-0-reveals-nfhs-5-report-101652208129487.html">NFHS-5</a>&nbsp; data confirms that India&rsquo;s fertility has already stabilised below replacement level. Yet some states continue to experiment with coercive population measures. Both the Lancet and OECD findings point to a clear lesson: India does not need restrictions; it needs support systems that lower the costs of raising children.

 
Health at Risk 
The U.S. debate is not only about law, it is about survival. The <a href="https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/hestat/maternal-mortality/2022/maternal-mortality-rates-2022.pdf">CDC</a> records rising maternal mortality, with Black and Indigenous women disproportionately at risk. The <a href="https://www.who.int/news/item/09-03-2022-access-to-safe-abortion-critical-for-health-of-women-and-girls?">WHO</a> warns that unsafe abortions surge wherever access is restricted.

The <a href="https://www.ansirh.org/research/ongoing/turnaway-study">Turnaway Study</a> found that women denied abortions faced worse health, financial, and family outcomes compared to those who received care. Coercive states weaken human capital, while supportive ones strengthen it.

India faces its own warnings. Unsafe abortions still account for <a href="https://bmcpregnancychildbirth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12884-023-05470-3">10% of maternal deaths</a>. The risk is not prohibition, but poor access: rural clinics without doctors, underfunded public facilities, and stigma that silences women. On paper, India&rsquo;s law is progressive, but in practice, these gaps drive women toward unsafe options.

&nbsp;

India&rsquo;s Crossroads 
India&rsquo;s fertility rate has fallen <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/indias-population-reaches-14639-crore-fertility-rate-drops-below-replacement-level-un-report/article69679518.ece">below replacement level</a>, even as its population reaches 1.46 billion. This transition presents both opportunity and anxiety. <a href="https://thediplomat.com/2025/01/why-politicians-are-urging-indians-to-have-more-children/">States</a><s> </s>are experimenting with divergent approaches to increase population, though their motives are highly debated. <a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/india/andhra-pradesh-plans-cash-reward-for-having-more-children-says-cm-chandrababu-naidu/articleshow/121726486.cms?from=mdr">Andhra Pradesh</a> has explored incentives for larger families. <a href="https://www.indiatoday.in/india-today-insight/story/from-the-india-today-archives-2021-indias-population-policy-myths-and-reality-2643644-2024-12-02">Uttar Pradesh</a> and <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/assams-two-child-policy-will-stall-development-goals-says-coalition-of-115-groups/article34922420.ece">Assam</a> debate restrictive two-child rules. These reflect the tension between fears of overpopulation and concerns about demographic ageing.

History suggests caution. During the Emergency, <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/the-forced-sterilisations-of-emergency/article69752171.ece">coercive sterilisation drives</a> left deep scars on public trust. But constructive paths exist. <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Tiruchirapalli/over-10000-women-benefit-from-dr-muthulakshmi-reddy-maternity-benefit-scheme-in-tiruchi/article69419753.ece">Tamil Nadu&rsquo;s Muthulakshmi Reddy scheme</a>, which combines maternity benefits with health and nutrition services, shows how supportive measures can ease demographic anxieties without coercion.

These choices are not abstract. <a href="https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/denied-ambulance-bihar-woman-delivers-baby-boy-in-auto-loses-him-within-minutes/story-hjy92dCCSkjS5iqPJoPZIO.html">Rekha Devi</a>, a mother in Bihar, lost her newborn after being denied an ambulance and forced to deliver in an auto-rickshaw. Her tragedy mirrors the delay faced by women in Texas or Georgia: when systems collapse, law becomes irrelevant, and families pay the price.

 
&nbsp;

Policy Pathways for India 
The US case is a huge lesson to countries. If India aims to strengthen families, the way forward lies not in prohibition or compulsion but empowerment. Four priorities stand out. First, protect healthcare. The U.S. shows the dangers of legal ambiguity creeping into hospitals. India must ensure medical professionals are shielded from political interference so women and doctors can make decisions without fear. Second, reduce the cost of parenting. Schemes like the <a href="https://wcd.delhi.gov.in/wcd/pradhan-mantri-matru-vandana-yojana-pmmvy">Pradhan Mantri Matru Vandana Yojana</a> provide maternity benefits but remain limited, often excluding women in informal work. Tamil Nadu&rsquo;s <a href="https://www.govtschemes.in/tamil-nadu-dr-muthulakshmi-reddy-maternity-benefit-scheme">Muthulakshmi Reddy scheme</a> offers a more holistic model, integrating financial, nutritional, and health support. Third, invest in social infrastructure. <a href="https://www.oecd.org/en/publications/society-at-a-glance-2024_918d8db3-en/full-report/fertility-trends-across-the-oecd-underlying-drivers-and-the-role-for-policy_770679b8.html">OECD data</a> shows that fertility stabilises when childcare and workplace flexibility are guaranteed. India lags here, national schemes have shrunk, and workplace childcare remains rare outside the formal sector. Finally, equity must anchor reform. As <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/editorial/the-right-to-safe-abortions/article5214799.ece">The Hindu</a> notes, poor rural women remain most vulnerable to unsafe abortions. Policies must prioritise those left behind by geography, caste, and class, not just the urban middle class.

In the end, it comes down to trust. If India follows harsh rules, families will feel punished and lose faith in the state. But if it walks the other path, which supports parents with care and respects people, they feel the government is on their side. We&rsquo;ve seen in the U.S. how confusing, uneven laws can leave people feeling abandoned. India&rsquo;s way forward is simpler: treat people with dignity, speak with clarity, and offer real support. That&rsquo;s how families and the country grow strong together.

&nbsp;

Control to Care 
Adriana Smith&rsquo;s story is unforgettable because it is unbearable: a woman reduced to a vessel by law, her family denied closure, her body kept alive for politics. It is also a warning. The U.S. shows how quickly reproductive rights unravel when law eclipses healthcare. 
India is at a turning point. Its laws look progressive, but the systems that carry them are still unsteady. The real question is simple: will India try to control people, or will it choose to support them? Control only creates fear and mistrust. Support gives people dignity, trust, and stronger families. If we truly want to protect life, the answer isn&rsquo;t to control it, it&rsquo;s care.

Reproductive rights in America and the road ahead for India

What began in the 1990s as a cautious &lsquo;Look East&rsquo; policy aimed at fostering economic ties with Southeast Asia has since evolved into a much more strategic and bolder vision-India&rsquo;s &lsquo;Act Indo-Pacific&rsquo; approach. With the evolving and increasingly contested landscape, characterized by China&rsquo;s assertive expansion in the Indo-Pacific, India is redefining its foreign policy goal of emerging as a <a href="https://maritimeindia.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/23-11-2015net-security-provider-defined-an-analysis-of-indias-new-maritime-strategy-2015.pdf">net security provider</a> and partner to maintain peace, stability, and growth in the region. This makes it important to understand India&rsquo;s &lsquo;Act East&rsquo; Policy in the grand scheme of &lsquo;Act Indo-Pacific&rsquo; framework. India has always had good historical and cultural relations with countries to the East of India, though colonialism and the cold war era led to the neglect of these relations between India and Southeast Asia. However, certain domestic and international imperatives cajoled the Indian government&nbsp;to reinforce its relations with Southeast Asia through &lsquo;Look East&rsquo; Policy. Since the 1990s, the geopolitical situation in the Indo Pacific changed dramatically prompting the Indian government to make a paradigm shift from<a href="https://www.orfonline.org/research/from-look-east-to-act-east-mapping-india-s-southeast-asian-engagement"> &lsquo;Look East&rsquo; to &lsquo;Act East&rsquo;</a>.&nbsp;

Why &lsquo;Act East&rsquo;? 
With the evolving geopolitical situation in the Indo-Pacific, India is being increasingly touted as a net security provider in the region by ASEAN, and other major powerful economies in the region. This only forms the underlying difference from its predecessor-&lsquo;Look East&rsquo;, which surely focused on advancing India&rsquo;s economic interests by emulating East Asian economies. While the primary objective of <a href="https://www.pib.gov.in/newsite/printrelease.aspx?relid=133837&amp;reg=3&amp;lang=2">&lsquo;Act East&rsquo;</a> has been to bolster the existing economic ties with ASEAN and countries to the east of India, its secondary objective is to counter China in the region. It does take into consideration strategic concerns posed by the rise of China, and the subsequent issue of freedom of navigation for all in the Indo-Pacific.

The China Factor 
Since 2013, China has rapidly begun the militarisation of some of the contested land features in the South China Sea. <a href="https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1248304/m2/1/high_res_d/R42784_2018Aug01.pdf">Ronald O&#39;Rourke</a>, citing the DOD report (2017), in his report on China&rsquo;s actions in South and East China Seas says, &ldquo;China reached milestones of landing civilian aircraft on its airfields on Fiery Cross Reef, Subi Reef, and Mischief Reef for the first time in 2016&hellip;&rdquo; Such developments intend to strengthen China&rsquo;s position in the disputed South China Sea, and make its claim more assertive. Apart from this dramatic militarization and the issue of &lsquo;freedom of navigation&rsquo; posed by the Chinese Coast Guard in the South China Sea, China has been rapidly shoring up its infrastructure in countries around India. This policy of <a href="https://www.asiapacific.ca/publication/explainer-whats-behind-indias-policy-shift-in-Indian-Ocean-Region">&lsquo;strategic encirclement&rsquo;</a> has significantly increased India&rsquo;s maritime and trade concerns in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), even as China claims to support commercial navigation in the region.

Situating&nbsp;&lsquo;Act Indo-Pacific&rsquo; through &lsquo;Act East&rsquo; 
It is in this context of rising dominance of China in the Indian Ocean that India&rsquo;s &lsquo;Act Indo-Pacific&rsquo; provides a better framework to act as a bulwark against China, both in the Indian Ocean Region and South China Sea. While &lsquo;Act Indo-Pacific&#39; is not an official standalone policy by the Government of India, it encompasses and extends the policy of &lsquo;Act East&rsquo; to address the integrated economic-maritime security domain spanning from the Indian Ocean Region to the Pacific. In his <a href="https://www.mea.gov.in/Speeches-Statements.htm?dtl%2F29943%2FPrime+Ministers+Keynote+Address+at+Shangri+La+Dialogue+June+01+2018">2018 keynote address at Shangri La Dialogue</a>, PM Narendra Modi highlighted this necessity by positing how the growing military buildup is fueling external tensions and growing distrust, coupled with increased assertiveness over adherence to international norms. New Delhi is keen on operationalizing the policy of &lsquo;Act East&rsquo; by establishing deeper economic engagement with countries in Southeast and East Asia, and regularly participating in institutional dialogues such as ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), East Asia Summit (EAS), ASEAN India Summit, ASEAN Defence Ministers&rsquo; Meeting Plus (ADMM+), and the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). In kind, ASEAN has also responded to India&rsquo;s &lsquo;Indo-Pacific&rsquo; Vision by providing contours of its own<a href="https://cil.nus.edu.sg/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/2019-ASEANs-Outlook-on-the-Indo-Pacific.pdf"> 2019 ASEAN&rsquo;s Outlook on the Indo-Pacific</a>, which seeks to promote &quot;peace, security, stability and prosperity&rdquo; in the Indo-Pacific. Further, apart from furthering its interests through reinforcing ASEAN&rsquo;s centrality, Delhi&rsquo;s &lsquo;Act Indo Pacific&rsquo; approach seeks to operationalise its vision of a&nbsp;&lsquo;<a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/new-supply-chains-central-to-free-open-indo-pacific/articleshow/78325116.cms">free, open, prosperous and inclusive Indo-Pacific region</a>&rsquo;, through actions such as Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR). One of the examples of SAGAR could be COVID-19 related medical assistance to countries in the Indian Ocean Region as part of its &lsquo;Mission Sagar&rsquo; in 2020. Amongst other initiatives, revived QUAD involving the United States, Japan, India, and Australia, and improved partnerships with countries having similar vision in the Indo-Pacific intends to limit China&rsquo;s assertiveness in the region.

Strategic Constraints

<ol>
	<li>Ironically, India&rsquo;s leadership across the spectrum has exhibited a political mindset guided by its post-independence doctrine of non-alignment and anti-imperialist internationalism. <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/338453459_Evasive_balancing_India%27s_unviable_Indo-Pacific_strategy">Rajesh Rajagopalan</a> quotes Priya Chacko as saying, India is said to be lacking in a strategic culture in which &ldquo;ideas about an anti-imperialist internationalism and non-alignment continue to inform India&rsquo;s state-building project and its &ldquo;over-riding&rdquo; priority of economic development&rdquo;. This profoundly obscures the limits of meeting one of the objectives of the &lsquo;Act Indo-Pacific&rsquo; approach to balance the rise of China in the region.&nbsp;</li>
	<li>Despite a repeated call by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi for &lsquo;Make In India&rsquo;, India&rsquo;s heavy dependence on China for meeting its import requirements limits Delhi&rsquo;s capabilities from countering China&rsquo;s hegemonic attitude in &lsquo;Indo-Pacific&rsquo; by posing the risk of supply chain vulnerability.</li>
	<li>Significantly, due to economic disparities within ASEAN states, some states like Cambodia and Laos rely more on China to receive aid than states like Vietnam and Philippines. This only presents an opportunity to China to restrict consensus amongst ASEAN member countries, thereby reducing its ability to counter China in the region.</li>
</ol>

New Delhi&rsquo;s &lsquo;Act Indo-Pacific&rsquo; approach is best suited to counter China, but its success is dependent on&nbsp;regional and internal challenges being addressed. Greater economic integration and greater unity amongst ASEAN states will be crucial to counter Beijing&rsquo;s hegemonic tendency in the &lsquo;Indo-Pacific&rsquo;, alongside building peace and economic prosperity in the region.

India’s Indo-Pacific Strategy: Beyond Look East

China&rsquo;s growing operations in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) within the Indo-Pacific poses a major threat to India&rsquo;s maritime security. In light of China&rsquo;s increasing dominance in the Indian Ocean Region, how can India utilize its maritime doctrine to effectively counterbalance this influence?&nbsp;

It&#39;s the need of the hour to safeguard our strategic interests in the region. China&rsquo;s increasing <a href="https://www.vifindia.org/sites/default/files/china-s-expanding-military-maritime-footprint-in-the-indian-ocean-region-india-s-response_0.pdf">maritime footprint</a> in the IOR through economic corridors as its key for economic development in recent times provides it with direct access to the Bay of Bengal, Andaman and Nicobar and other parts of the Indian ocean, has intensified India&rsquo;s insecurity.&nbsp;

Around India&rsquo;s 95% trade passes through<a href="https://www.pib.gov.in/PressNoteDetails.aspx?NoteId=153432#:~:text=Overview%20of%20India's%20Maritime%20Sector,volume%20and%2070%25%20by%20value."> shipping routes</a>, in this regard the maritime domain has been a crucial factor in economic stability and shaping the border security policies. China&rsquo;s presence in IOR reflects the importance of the ocean to Beijing&rsquo;s maritime ambitions. The main &ldquo;Pearls&rdquo; (ports) of China&rsquo;s String of Pearls Strategy network in the IOR are Gwadar (Pakistan), Hambantota (Sri Lanka), Chittagong (Bangladesh) and<a href="https://imrmedia.in/china-strategic-ports-worldwide-under-chinese-control/#:~:text=Djibouti%20Port%20(Djibouti).,Port%20City%20(Sri%20Lanka)."> Kyaukpyu (Myanmar)</a> and in Maldives, where China&rsquo;s expanded control and strategic influence over these major ports of Indo-Pacific region where it holds over<a href="https://imrmedia.in/china-strategic-ports-worldwide-under-chinese-control/#:~:text=Hambantota%20Port%20(Sri%20Lanka).,role%20in%20China's%20MSR%20strategy."> 70% stake</a> serve both economic and geopolitical objectives under China&rsquo;s Belt and Road Initiative(BRI) and <a href="https://imrmedia.in/china-strategic-ports-worldwide-under-chinese-control/#:~:text=Hambantota%20Port%20(Sri%20Lanka).,role%20in%20China's%20MSR%20strategy.">Maritime Silk Road(MSR)</a> through investments, ownership stakes and operational management. The Sino-Indian security dilemma is further aggravated by China&#39;s military alliance with the littoral countries and its attempts to build politico-military partnerships. As Geopolitical currents shift in the Indo-Pacific, India needs to adopt an assertive maritime posture to safeguard its interests in a region fraught with strategic competition. Balancing China&#39;s rise is an important constituent of India&rsquo;s strategic behaviour.

Fortifying India&rsquo;s Naval Power: Creating a Security Dilemma

As the only country after which a major ocean is named, India views the Indian Ocean Region as central to its strategic interests and actively contributes to regional maritime security and cooperation. To safeguard its interests, India must align its maritime security policies with regional priorities and make sustained efforts on multiple fronts. Fiscal shortages, however, often hinder the timely acquisition of critical equipment. To address this, India should explore creative financing mechanisms, strengthen bilateral agreements, and leverage Public&ndash;Private Partnerships to bridge <a href="https://www.thegeostrata.com/post/tides-of-influence-india-s-maritime-security-architecture-in-indian-ocean-region#:~:text=China's%20growing%20influence%20in%20the,being%20the%20most%20important%20one.">financial gaps</a>. India has recorded its highest-ever growth in indigenous defence production in value terms during the Financial Year (FY) 2023-24, fueled by the effective implementation of government policies and initiatives. Defence production has reached a record Rs. 1,27,434 crores, marking a remarkable 174% increase from <a href="https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2098485#:~:text=In%20the%20current%20geopolitical%20scenario,infrastructural%20assets%20across%20the%20country.">Rs. 46,429 crores in 2014-15</a>. Increased investments on <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ballistic_missile_submarine">Ballistic missile submarine (SSBN)</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SSN_(hull_classification_symbol)">Nuclear-powered attack submarines (SSN)</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vikrant-class">Vikrant-class</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/INS_Vishal">INS Vishal</a> and other Destroyers, Frigates and other ships would transform the naval capabilities. Further enhancing maritime domain awareness through satellite reconnaissance, unmanned systems, and advanced surveillance technologies remains central to India&rsquo;s strategy. At the same time, closer collaboration with global defence producers and suppliers can significantly improve the efficiency of the procurement process. Over the past few decades, the Indian Navy has already witnessed considerable modernization in line with national policy priorities, and continued reforms will be vital to maintaining momentum. The Indian Navy is committed to overall maritime security, including<a href="https://www.icwa.in/show_content.php?lang=1&amp;level=3&amp;ls_id=11776&amp;lid=7169"> coastal and offshore security.</a> Manufacturing modern warships, fighter jets, artillery systems and cutting edge weaponry being built within the country, India now aims to be a key player in the global defence manufacturing landscape.

Currently, strategic policies and indigenous innovation have substantially reduced dependence on foreign suppliers. India is advancing cutting-edge military platforms, bolstering both national security and economic growth. Improved India&rsquo;s potential maritime strategy in military deployment of navy in the sensitive areas of Indian Ocean Region (IOR), control over the ports and possessing advanced equipment creates the security dilemma for the Chinese ports in the littoral nations in the Indo-Pacific region. The nations in the Indo-Pacific region have experienced direct pressure stemming from China&rsquo;s hegemonic ambitions. Under this circumstance India needs to take advantage of building up research and development in the Indian maritime domain.

&nbsp;

Strategic Partnerships as a Pillar

India&rsquo;s strategic partnerships and diplomatic alignments play a pivotal role in addressing emerging geopolitical challenges in the Indo-Pacific. Upholding its sovereignty and territorial integrity, India envisions the Indo-Pacific as a free, open, inclusive, peaceful, and prosperous region governed by rules aligned with the international order. This vision is articulated through India&rsquo;s Free, Open, and Inclusive Indo-Pacific (FOIIP) framework, expressed via its maritime security initiative <a href="https://www.mea.gov.in/rajya-sabha.htm?dtl/39265/QUESTION+NO+3101+INDIAS+STRATEGIC+PARTNERSHIPS+TO+ADDRESS+EMERGING+GEOPOLITICAL+CHALLENGES#:~:text=(b)%20&amp;%20(c),and%20Open%20Indo%2DPacific%20Vision.">SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region)</a>, launched in 2015 by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. SAGAR aims to position New Delhi as a &lsquo;net security provider&rsquo; in the Indian Ocean Region, pursuing a dual objective: countering the China-led Maritime Silk Road under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and advancing the 2015 Act East Policy to strengthen ties with East Asia, while promoting mutually beneficial blue economy connectivity with India&rsquo;s maritime neighbours.

&nbsp;India&rsquo;s strategic move towards conducting naval exercises with littoral IOR island nations through the provision of training, capacity building, equipment and navies of QUAD comprising of US, Japan, Australia, Initiatives like Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness (IPMDA) and <a href="https://www.mea.gov.in/rajya-sabha.htm?dtl/39265/QUESTION+NO+3101+INDIAS+STRATEGIC+PARTNERSHIPS+TO+ADDRESS+EMERGING+GEOPOLITICAL+CHALLENGES#:~:text=(b)%20&amp;%20(c),and%20Open%20Indo%2DPacific%20Vision.">Maritime Initiative for Training in the Indo-Pacific (MAITRI)</a> and the Singapore-India Maritime Bilateral Exercise (SIMBEX) could inadvertently create a security dilemma for China, as Beijing may perceive them as an attempt to contain its influence. Since December 2024 the Indian Navy and Coast Guard has held bilateral exercises with Madagascar, Mauritius, the Seychelles and Sri Lanka, following a trilateral exercise held with Sri Lanka and the <a href="https://www.iiss.org/publications/strategic-dossiers/asia-pacific-regional-security-assessment-2024/chapter-3/">Maldives in February 2024. </a>&nbsp;Reflecting India&rsquo;s expanded strategic outlook, the Prime Minister of India unveiled the MAHASAGAR doctrine &mdash; &lsquo;Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions&rsquo; &mdash; in March 2025 in Mauritius. As an extension of the SAGAR doctrine, <a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/what-is-mahasagar-vision-new-policy-for-global-south-unveiled-by-pm-modi-in-mauritius/articleshow/118942589.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&amp;utm_medium=text&amp;utm_campaign=cppst">MAHASAGAR</a> broadens India&rsquo;s engagement to encompass the wider Global South. The vision provides a strategic framework for India to enhance its role in the security and stability of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and the South China Sea (SCS), fostering robust maritime cooperation with countries across the western Indian Ocean and Africa as part of India&rsquo;s emergence as a rising power.

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